tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-46424994031919883732023-11-16T07:08:40.220+01:00Fatih CicekFatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.comBlogger12125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-56710344171696332232021-09-27T18:22:00.000+02:002021-09-27T18:22:57.181+02:00Formations of the Secular: Secularity, Secularism, Secularisms<br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #141823; line-height: 19.32px;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">In evaluating the universality of secularism, we can think of the fundamental imagination in the Islamic tradition that human behaviour and activity generates metaphysical impact. Hence, what we do in this world is reflected back to us through natural events. Accordingly, earthquakes are not simply seen as consequences of tectonic plate shifts, even though this is acknowledged and appreciated as the material explanation, but in fact are the results of a higher ‘spiritual’ reason, which is our godless human behaviour. This is something that, according to Charles Taylor, is regarded by us as an old, quaint, superstitious idea from an age of ‘enchantment’. I would argue that the construction of the two categories of ‘transcendent’ and ‘immanent’ in European societies was facilitated by an ostensible non-complementarity and contradictoriness between the explanations offered by these two realms on what happens around us in this world, which makes a clear-cut distinction between the two, an invention of Latin Christendom. </span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #141823; line-height: 19.32px;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="line-height: 19.32px;">A universalisation of this exceptional historical trajectory however can lead to an European ‘Enlightenment-based narcissism’, as Yolande Jansen puts it, often at the expense of the freedom of powerless, ordinary minorities. José Casanova, who to me is one of the key contributors on the formation of the Secular, his main concern is the particular historical genealogy contextual to the theological discourse in Latin Christendom that has led to the emergence of the dyadic categorisation and binary classification of ‘the secular’ and “the religious”. ’The secular’ soon came to be perceived as a universal, natural human achievement, without taking into account that both ‘the religious’ and ‘the secular’ were two categories that do not necessarily have analogues in non-Western societies. He goes on to say that the ‘secular’ therefore is equally in need of critical analysis and reflexive interpretation. He pays attention to the ‘historical stadial consciousness’ and dangerous self-understanding that presupposes the universal validity, legitimacy and superiority of the process of secularisation. His recognition, that the conceptualisation of the category of “secularisation” as a universal process that needs to be exported into non-Western contexts characterises a Eurocentric discourse, merits appreciation. It goes without saying that while fleeing from ‘the religious’ (that is considered as sacred and to be overcome), this discourse can create a secularist ideology that quasi-sacralises, quasi-absolutises ‘the secular’ as a universal historical process towards an unthought, taken-for-granted reality that is inevitable, and profanes religion. This new sacralised secularism has the potential of becoming a ‘new religion’ that in turn represses, demonises and marginalises the ‘old (now profaned) religion’. </span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); -webkit-text-stroke-width: initial; background-color: transparent;">Given the complexity and exceptional genealogy of the term ‘secular’, Taylor proposes a redefinition of the term: If secularity aims at the harmonious coexistence of different religious communities; societies, that have ensured peaceful coexistence among various religions without utilising the Western antithetical approach of pulling out ‘the religious’ from ‘the immanent’, should be examined.</span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-color: rgb(0, 0, 0); -webkit-text-stroke-width: initial; background-color: transparent;"> </span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #141823; line-height: 19.32px;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="line-height: 19.32px;">The ‘good’, ‘pure’ or ‘rational religion’ that was advocated by Philosophers such as Locke or Kant is another issue that merits attention. In the earlier years of Western enlightenment, religious institutions and beliefs were expected to rationalise themselves and meet the requirements of the ‘supreme morality’. Religion was perceived as good and acceptable as long as it was relegated to the private sphere and subordinated itself to a self-sufficient, independent social morality and is devoid of any external, transcendent relevance. What brought this idea into being was, as Jansen rightly stresses, the ‘context of search for a common denominator helping to end the religious wars (Jansen 2010: 73), while this search ended up in new differences and social fault lines, along which new power hierarchies emerged. Protestantism was celebrated while Catholicism and Judaism were considered as cults and statuary confessions, providing a similar grounding that is susceptible to the abuse of power and the marginalisation of some ‘other’.</span></span></span></div>
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<b>Bibliography</b></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Casanova, José </b>(2011) ‘The Secular, Secularizations, Secularisms’ in Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen, eds., Rethinking Secularism. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 54-74.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Jansen, Yolande</b> (2010) ‘Secularism and Security: France, Islam, and Europe’ in Linnell Cady and Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, eds., Comparative Secularisms in a Global Age. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 69-86.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Shakman Hurd, Elizabeth </b>(2011) ‘A Suspension of (Dis)belief: The Secular-Religious Binary and the Study of International Relations’ in Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen, eds., Rethinking Secularism. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 166-184.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Shakman Hurd, Elizabeth (2008) </b>‘Varieties of Secularism’ in The Politics of Secularism in International Relations. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, pp. 23-45.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>Taylor, Charles </b>(2011) ‘Western Secularity’ in Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen, eds., Rethinking Secularism. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 31-53</span></div>
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-21451323842284249462018-05-08T20:22:00.000+02:002019-03-13T20:01:00.413+01:00Mohsen Kadivar's New-Mutazilism, Human Rights and the normativity of Qur'anic injunctions<div class="p1" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Introduction</span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2">When contemplating the traditional Islamic discourse on human rights<b><i>(<span style="font-size: x-small;">1)</span></i></b></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> and legal philosophy and when trying to reconcile traditional islamic exegesis with modern judicial interpretation, we have to my assessment a perennial problem that I would delineate as <i>non-complementary paradigms</i>. Akin to the dissimilarity between Newtonian Physics and Quantum Mechanics (both having a certain way of viewing the world and working at a certain level), both traditional Islam and modern legal philosophy attempt to address things that have different theoretical bases, underlying principles, epistemological and ontological frameworks and presuppositions and thus require the use of different languages. Having said that, I need to stress that I still consider myself a ‘harmonist<i><span style="font-size: x-small;">’<b>(2)</b></span></i></span><span class="s2">, advocating a ‘reverse cultural relativism’, by utilising the traditional doctrine of <i>maqāṣid</i> and the ‘margin of appreciation’ on the side of international human rights, without idealising either the modern notion of human rights by presupposing its conceptual superiority or the prevalent traditional islamic discourse on Shari’ah injunctions.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>Mohsin Kadivar, a post-revolutionary Iranian intellectual, traditionally trained in Islamic Law in both of the preeminent seminary centres of Shi’ite intelligentsia, Qom and Najaf, is one of the outstanding scholars of our time trying to reconcile human rights norms with modern Islamic thoughts and practices. It is these above-mentioned philosophical and epistemological differences and their distinct way of defining the essence of human beings, according to Kadivar, that are underlying the current incompatibility between internationally recognised human rights and traditional Sunni and Shi’ite Islamic law.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>In this essay, we will firstly examine how Kadivar demonstrates why traditional fiqh is incapable of overcoming the fundamental conflict between the notion of human rights and Shari’ah precepts in traditional islam. We will go on by outlining his proposed way of elevating the authority of collective reason in imposing time limits for Shari’ah ordinances concerning interpersonal social transactions and of rethinking and reassessing their eternality, fixedness and continuity. We will then discuss critically his premises such as the possibility of such a collective reason, the rationality of Shari’ah ordinances and the utilisation of the concept of abrogation.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Methodological framework of Kadivar’s ‘New Jurisprudence’</span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2">Kadivar’s starting point is the fundamental conflict between the traditional interpretation of Islam<i><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>(3)</b></span></i></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> and the notion of modern human rights (Kadivar 2004) and the insufficiency of traditional Islamic jurisprudential tools to tackle the conflict and to face the challenges posed by the modern period. With the advent of modernity, Kadivar argues, several commandments, prohibitions, rites and precepts of the conventional traditional exegesis that were considered as perpetual and fixed and beyond time and space were obviously conflicting with certain norms, achievements and phenomena of modernity that have become the “manner of the reasonable people” (<i>sīrah-yi ʿuqalā’</i>) (Matsunaga 2011: 364). Even exhausting all potentials of traditional jurisprudence will therefore not solve six critical areas of conflict between traditional islam and human rights norms: The legal distinction between Muslims and Non-Muslims, between men and women, slaves and human beings, commoners and jurists on the public space; freedom of religion and belief and lastly violent extrajudicial punishments for apostasy, heresy, blasphemy, theft, illicit sexual relations, false accusations of illicit sex and the consumption of intoxicants. For him, the conflict does not lie in minor issues of traditional jurisprudence, but is deep-rooted. Traditional islam is a paradigm, as is the case with modern human rights, having their own distinct epistemic framework of theoretical and philosophical underpinnings, making a harmonisation between the two sides of the conflict nearly impossible.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>Kadivar argues, that traditional Islam needs to rethink its fundamental criteria and foundations; particularly the role of reason and the eternality of the injunctions of the textual sources and their practical implications. He is opposed to the Divine Command Theory of the Ash’arites that became the mainstream theological position; the epistemological premise that reason is limited in its capacity to discern what is good and evil (<i>al husn wa al-qubh</i>), that revelation is the primary normative reference<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>(4)</b></i></span></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> for universal truth and moral perfection and that whatever God decrees is justice because He as the Absolute Sovereign of the universe decrees it and not because it is in conformity with independent standards of ‘justice’ and ‘goodness’, discerned, ratiocinated and formulated externally by human beings<i><span style="font-size: x-small;"><b>(5)</b></span></i>.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> So from a traditional perspective, Shari’ah precepts and duties are unquestionably just and wise, even if they differ depending on one’s religion, creed, freedom or slavery or gender.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2">It is worth noting at this juncture that Kadivar is what we may call a neo-Mu’tazilite<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>(6)</b></i></span></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> in this respect. His proposed “intellectual”, “spiritual”, “goal-oriented” Islam, which is an end in itself (Kadivar 2011: 459), or ‘Islamic intellectuality’, is for him a ‘continuation of Mu’tazili rationalism’ (Kadivar 2004). He asserts that Qur’anic and prophetic injunctions could be justified rationally at the advent of Islam. They were compatible with that time’s ‘rational custom’; in fact non-believers were challenged by the Quran with the rationality, logicalness, superiority and validity of its commandments and prohibitions (Kadivar 2004). Therefore, an ordinance can nowadays only be attributed to religion, if it is rationally justifiable and logical according to today’s rational custom; if it contradicts today’s understanding of justice is doomed to rejection.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>The second fundamental criterion of traditional Islam that constitutes a problem in the modern period is the eternality, timelessness and fixedness of all of the ordinances of the sources. Kadivar points out that all of the problematic regulations of the Sharia that are considered to be in violation of human rights norms are anchored in Qur’anic verses and are reliable, authentic (and manifest in their meanings) traditions and narratives about the acts and words of the Prophet. He advocates a teleological theology (Matsunaga 2007: 326) that focuses on the final goals of the Shari’ah as opposed to the traditional ‘formalism’ according to which the commandments in the religious sources are considered as constant, perpetual and unchanging. Whilst maintaining the commitment to this true, spiritual side of Islam by reconstructing a new anthropocentric theology in contrast to the theocentric approach of the traditional exegesis (Matsunaga 2011: 371), Kadivar argues that the timeless eternal message of Islam has been mixed with customary practices and habits of the time of revelations, which is the part that actually causes the conflicts between traditional Islam and the modern age (Kadivar 2009: 65). Under consideration that the overall aim of the Shari’ah is the commonweal (<i>maṣlaḥah</i> or <i>maṣāliḥ-i ʿibād</i>) of human beings, Kadivar argues that clear texts (<i>qat’ī</i>) in the Qur’an or the Sunnah prescribing punishments or death penalties could be overridden in the name of the doctrine of <i>maṣlahah </i>through the use of reason alone. He distinguishes between two kinds of <i>sharīʿa </i>precepts: (1) Precepts that will permanently remain valid and binding regardless of time and place and are therefore eternal. Commandments on fairness and justice, prohibitions on betrayal, injustice and lying are among these precepts. (2) Precepts that are conditional on the continuation of relevant conditions. They may serve a specific goal in a given set of circumstances but might change into mischief once new conditions have emerged. Kadivar goes on to say that most of the non-devotional sharīʿa injunctions on social and interpersonal transactions (<i>aḥkām-i sharʿī-yi muʿāmalāt</i>) are of this second type. He points out that conflict between human rights norms and Qur’anic injunctions always relates to this second type of precepts (Matsunaga 2011: 373)<b><i><span style="font-size: x-small;">(7)</span></i></b>.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> Accordingly, a non-devotional injunction that does not meet the three criteria of being reasonable, just and better than alternative solutions must be rejected. Non-correspondence to these three criteria indicates the temporariness and non-eternality of that precept. </span></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">He thus redefines the function of the concept of abrogation (<i>naskh</i>) of traditional exegesis. Contrary to the traditional understanding, according to which the abrogation of rules has ended with the demise of the prophet and for a verse to be abrogated, it needs an abrogating text from the sources that is either similar or higher in authority (i.e. is stronger in respect of meaning (<i>dalālah</i>) or authenticity (<i>thubūt</i>)), Kadivar asserts that definite reason is in fact capable abrogating the precepts of the second type. Thus, the rational conventions of our day are strong and capable enough to determine the time limits and to reevaluate the temporariness of narration-based injunctions.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Critical discussion</span></b></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">As examined above, in dealing with the fundamental conflict between accepted Islamic accounts and modern human rights norms, Kadivar proposes a ‘New Jurisprudence’ that employs an ‘<i>ijtihād</i> in bases and principles’ (<i>ijtihād fī al-uṣūl) (</i>Kadivar<i> </i>2012a: 213) which aims at extracting the unchanging, permanent message of the Shari’ah from the ordinances that were set according to the demands of the conditions of the age of revelation. Several theoretical questions arise with this methodology: </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>Firstly, as a starting point, the mere possibility of a universal collective human reason, to which <i>sharīʿa</i> precepts should be adapted to, is highly questionable. Kadivar does not take cultural differences in understanding human rights into account, which could lead to a dangerously Eurocentric universalist conceptualisation of justice and human rights<i><b><span style="font-size: x-small;">(8)</span></b></i>.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2"> Paradoxically and inconsistently, he also advocates a temporal meta-ethical moral relativism and a loosely utilitarian consequentalism, which goes beyond the general Mu’tazilite approach. The Mu’tazilites believed in an absolute framework of justice beyond time and space that can be acquired by reason and which is particularised by the normative injunctions of the revelation (Leaman 2004: 165). Kadivar asserts that justice should be defined by the norms of a particular time period and runs - from a mainstream traditional perspective - the danger, to disclaim and deconstruct the normative authority of scripture utterly. As Matsunaga</span><span class="s2"> rightly points out, he locates the issue of human rights into an external context outside of the religious sources and hence detaches it from religious textual references, which will be difficult for conventional Islamic circles to relate to. <i>Maṣlaḥah</i> is the only jurisprudential concept that Kadivar refers to, but the extent to which it is supposed to be applied and utilised remains relatively vague, unsubstantial and abstract.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2">Secondly, Kadivar argues that the collective rationality in the first generation of Islam was limited, making a revelation and direct assistance of God particularly necessary in a time of countless social tribulations (Kadivar 2009: 72). This claim undermines the idea of a revelation as a guidance for all human beings at all times, which is likely to encounter serious difficulties and objections within conventional and traditional circles. Furthermore, it is a inconclusive attempt to evade the question, why humanity would be left to their reasons in developing legal norms while the first Muslims where assisted by the revelation of God. At the same time he argues - again paradoxically - that religious precepts were rationally justifiable and compatible with the rational custom of the time of the revelation (Kadivar 2004). The Qur’an did not challenge its audience with the rationality of its injunctions (<i>aḥkām</i>) (or of its <i>own</i> concept of justice), but with the rationality of the existence, unity (<i>tawḥeed</i>), transcendence, uniqueness and infinitude of God<span style="font-size: x-small;"><i><b>(9)</b></i></span></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2">, i.e. its ontological principles that it introduced to the world, and the immeasurable profundity of its articulation and inimitability of its eloquence<span style="font-size: x-small;"><b><i>(10)</i></b></span></span><span class="s2">. The Qur’an in fact questioned the normativity of such a collective reasoning<b><i><span style="font-size: x-small;">(11)</span></i></b></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2">, established a new ontology of justice and therefore challenged the perception of justice that was predominant at the age of revelation. The Qur’anic objection against customs like tribalism (‘<i>asabiyyah</i>), female infanticide, interest rates, the prohibition of consuming intoxicants, that may had well been perceived as reasonable and just in pre-Islamic Arabia, could be given as a few examples. Early Muslims did not accept these precepts (or even became Muslims) because of their rationality, but because they considered the Qur’anic ontology and the prophetic claim to be reasonable, stimulating them to accept these precepts instantaneously and intuitively. In fact, the opponents of the prophetic mission of Muhammad rejected the revelation because of the normative standards it propagated, stipulated and advocated.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>Thirdly, Kadivar proposes to exhaust the traditional exegetical tool of abrogation (<i>naskh</i>) to repeal several <i>sharīʿa</i> precepts that are considered eternally obligatory and are generally accepted as such by mainstream Islam. Indications in the textual sources for a conditionality of its prescribed precepts or for the possibility of such an abrogation based on reason alone would certainly substantiate Kadivar’s argument to find resonance and approval in traditional circles. Kadivar points out that despite the absolutistic, clear, definitive wording the Qur’an uses in prescribing its injunctions, the precepts of the second type (those that are incompatible with conventional human rights norms) should be treated as non-eternal, conditional and time-based precepts. Therefore, it seems that the textual evidence operates rather to the contrary.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>To be more grounded in Islamic traditional thought and enhance its Islamic legitimacy, Kadivar’s methodology would have benefited from the traditional doctrine of <i>maqāṣid al-Shari’ah </i>(the ‘main objectives of the Shari’ah’, as advocated by Kamali [2009; 2011]), which is not burdened with the technicalities and literalist details that <i>uṣūl al-fiqh</i> is preoccupied with and is - even though developed through an intense reading of the clear texts (<i>nuṣuṣ</i>) and derived by way of inference (<i>istinbat)</i> - inherently more dynamic and more open to innovative approaches and changing conditions of the 21st century than the <i>uṣūl </i>methodologies. It requires a comprehensive reading of the Qur’an and the Sunna, focuses on the generalities instead of the particularities, prioritises the purposes of the ordinances as identified by the <i>nuṣuṣ </i>itself and provides a more pragmatic approach to contemporary human rights concerns.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><b><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Conclusion</span></b></span></div>
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<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Kadivar’s project of “spiritual, goal-oriented jurisprudence” tries to reconcile Islamic thought and practices with modern human rights norms and provides a new framework for future theoretical discussion and will be an inspiration for heated debate in the human rights discourse. He unequivocally emphasises the current incompatibility between internationally recognised human rights and traditional Sunni and Shi’ite Islamic law. He criticises the traditional understanding of human reason as limited in scope and ability, he disclaims the eternality of the Shari’a injunctions regarding interpersonal transactions (<i>mu’āmelāt</i>) and suggests to utilise collective reason more intensively in defining a modern islamic notion of human rights. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span class="s2">Given the Iranian post-revolutionary context<b><i><span style="font-size: x-small;">(12)</span></i></b></span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s2">, his courage to put in writing what is conventionally considered as taboo, merits appreciation. However, his bypassing of traditional thought and his weak connection to the textual sources neglect the reality on ground and make it difficult for his substantial efforts to be heard and acknowledged by his main audience, traditional Sunni and Shi’ite scholastic circles, and to be a catalyst for change instead of reducing its influence to the bookshelf.</span></span><br />
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-size: x-small;">Footnotes:</span></span></div>
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<ol>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;"> Contrary to the predominant misperception, Şentürk argues that there was indeed an islamic traditional discourse on basic human rights. Since its formative period, Islamic law and Muslim jurists introduced the two key concepts of <i>‘ismah</i> (<i>or al-darûriyyāt</i>) and <i>ādamiyyah</i> (or <i>haqq ghair muktasab</i>), characterising axiomatic inalienable natural rights, that each individual person has been born with (Senturk 2002).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;"><i>Harmonisation</i> requires reconciliation and compromise and implies and presumes a degree of “compatibility and concordance between two substantially distinct” <i>corpora juris</i>, as there is no need to harmonise identical components. (Kamali 2007: 392)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">i.e. “the dominant interpretation of the Qurʾān and the Sunna that is characteristically found in the opinions (<i>ārāʾ</i>) of the theologians and jurisprudents and spread generally in the form of customary knowledge of the learned (<i>ʿurf-i ahl-i ʿilm</i>) in the Islamic world.” (Kadivar 2008<i>: </i>184) in which the culture and exigencies of (and the form and appearance of Islam in) the age of revelation are considered as sacred, desirable and idealised. (Kadivar 2011: 459)</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">The <i>grundnorm,</i> as Kelsen (1967) puts it, or the ‘ultimate rule of recognition’ according to Hart (1994).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">According to traditional <i>usul al-fiqh</i>, the authority, validity and binding force of the Qur’an, Sunnah and Ijma’ (i.e. the transmitted proofs; adillah naqliyyah) is independent from their conformity with the dictates of reason and rational justifications, even though most of them are in harmony with reason. The function of reason in jurisprudence is limited to discovering and deriving rules already indicated in the divine sources (Kamali 2003: 12).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">The <i>Mu‘tazilites</i> ‘believed in a system of universal truths that can be grasped by individual reason.’ (Cicek 2014) To them, good and evil was therefore intrinsic (<i>fī ḥadd-i dhāti-hi</i>), not relative (<i>nisbī</i>), and dependent on reason (<i>aqlī</i>), not on revelation (<i>shar’ī</i>). Thus, they were commanded or forbidden by the divine will accordingly, not vice versa. Revelation therefore particularised the injunctions that facilitated moral perfection. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">Kadivar’s discussion of gender equality in traditional Islam is one example of how he tries to contextualise revelation. He distinguishes between ‘deserts-based’ justice (<i>al-‘adālah al-istiḥqāqiyyah</i>) based on proportional equality and egalitarian justice based on fundamental equality. While the former constitutes the notion of justice in traditional Islam, the latter represents the epistemological basis of modern human rights norms and gender equality. Hence, the verses in the Qur’an, that attributed fewer rights to women in shaping and participating in social life, were revealed based on the collective perception of justice and equality in that particular historical moment. (Kadivar 2012a: 223).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">There is an obvious tension between strict universalism and cultural relativism in modern human rights discourse. The universalist approach that considers western-rooted human rights norms as <i>fait accompli </i>that<i> </i>need to be imposed on and accepted by objecting cultures is often perceived as a new form of cultural colonialism by those cultures. Cultural relativism on the other hand is prone to the abuse of human rights violations. A more inclusive multicultural interpretation of human rights principles that embraces cultural diversity will help to overcome this paradox. See (Baderin 2001b).</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">see Qur’an 52:35-36, 67:3-4.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">see Qur’an 17:88; 2:23; 10:38; 11:13; 52:33-34.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">see Qur’an 7:187; 30:30; 12:40; 6:111; 29:63; 43:78.</span></li>
<li><span style="font-size: x-small;">The doctrines of <i>velāyat-e faqīh</i> and <i>marjaʿ taqlīdī</i> that are pushed through by the religious establishment in Iran should be recalled at this point incidentally. </span></li>
</ol>
</div>
</div>
<div class="p1">
<span class="s1">Bibliography</span></div>
<div class="p4">
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-19893163677322022472015-02-01T19:37:00.003+01:002015-02-01T19:51:56.345+01:00Faith and Reason in the writings of Sayyid Qutb<div class="p1">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="p1">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Introduction</span></b></div>
<div class="p2">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"></span><br /></span></div>
<div class="p3" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">After perpetual continual wars of religion up until the Peace of Westphalia, Europe underwent a philosophical paradigm shift in the 17</span><span class="s2"><sup>th</sup></span><span class="s1"> century, from scholasticism, which tried to embrace reason as long as it would go in accordance with the Christian doctrine, to the idea of scientific reason: Philosophers of the Enlightenment period were ambitious in paving the way for </span><span class="s3">the liberation of man from “religious and metaphysical control over his reason, the breaking of all supernatural myths and sacred symbols”</span><span class="s4"><sup></sup></span><span class="s3">. The disenchantment of nature was trumpeted in Western philosophy, through the intellectual mastery of the world and the rationalisation of natural events; people were supposed to be freed from the magical image of the world. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"></span><br /></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s3"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span></span><span class="s1">Even though Islam is widely characterised as a religion based on revelation, rational methods and reason have always been central to most fields of Islamic sciences, Islamic theology, philosophy, eschatology and education. Both modernists and fundamentalists have always been loath against this intellectual tradition. This tradition throughout the history has employed reason in the service (and for the explication) of a revelation, “a non-rational revealed code of conduct”</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1">, the <i>Shari‘a</i>. The extent to which human beings should trust their reason has always been controversial, drawing a broad spectrum of attitudes. Some scholars have rejected and condemned the rational tradition of early Islamic scholarship by emphasising the need for submitting and accepting the superior authority of Hadith like <i>Ibn Taymiya</i>. Some others (generally known as <i>the Mu‘tazilites</i>) believed in a system of universal truths which can be acquired by individual independent reason alone and the revelation being a complementary tool which completes and particularises the norms that lead to moral perfection. A third category, which I argue constitutes the bulk of Islamic intellectuals, includes prominent M<i>utakallim</i></span><span class="s5"><i>u</i></span><span class="s1"><i>n</i>, thinkers, historians, sociologists and theologians such as Al-M</span><span class="s6">ā</span><span class="s1">tur</span><span class="s6">ī</span><span class="s1">d</span><span class="s6">ī</span><span class="s1">, Al-Ghaz</span><span class="s6">ā</span><span class="s1">li, Ibn Kh</span><span class="s5">a</span><span class="s1">ldun, al-F</span><span class="s6">ā</span><span class="s1">r</span><span class="s6">ā</span><span class="s1">b</span><span class="s6">ī</span><span class="s1">,</span><span class="s7"> </span><span class="s5">Mu</span><span class="s6">ḥ</span><span class="s5">ammad Sh</span><span class="s6">ī</span><span class="s5">r</span><span class="s6">ā</span><span class="s5">z</span><span class="s6">ī</span><span class="s5"> (also known as Mulla Sadra), Said Nursi, who were ambitious to synthesise, reconcile, dovetail the three types of fountains of Islamic knowledge in an epistemic unification, </span><span class="s1">seeing no contradiction between these domains of knowledge and believing in their complementary nature</span><span class="s5">: </span><span class="s1">revealed knowledge (<i>qur’an</i>), discursive reasoning (<i>burhan</i>) and spiritual realisation (<i>irfan</i>).</span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">Sayyid Qutb, who is considered to be one of the most distinguished thinkers and figures of Islamic fundamentalist movements of the 20</span><span class="s2"><sup>th</sup></span><span class="s1"> century, has undoubtedly made a solid and substantial contribution to this philosophical discourse. In view of his 41 published books, 30 unpublished works and mass of articles in journals, his works are still waiting for a serious critical study and theoretical discussion by Western academia.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Even though his influence on Islamic fundamentalists and Islamic resurgence is recognised by both Western and Islamic scholars, this very limited research may be due to a political distaste against Islamic fundamentalist movements, which refuses to inquiry the key theoretical elements of this new modern stream and narrows them down to their political functions of mobilising people and embodying anti-imperialistic and nationalist ambitions. More objective and substantial contributions are necessary for a better corresponding understanding of their ideological and philosophical presumptions. </span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In this essay, we will examine the tension between faith and reason in the writings of Qutb. We will begin by providing the general conceptual framework of <i>hakimiyyah</i> upon which Qutb’s ideas on the status of the human intellect is built. We will then ponder his attitude towards the human intellect and the aims of science in accordance to Islamic conception of being<i>. </i>Finally we will explore his understanding of religious knowledge as a dynamic experiential revelatory process<i> </i>interwoven with action and struggle.</span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The concept of <i>hakimiyyah</i></span></b></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The writings of Sayyid Qutb revolve around the concept of <i>hakimiyyah</i>, of which his widely known idea of <i>jahiliyyah</i> represents the antithesis. Undoubtedly, every discussion on socio-political theory and ontology will eventually revert to the question of what is considered to be the chief source of knowledge or (political, economic, scientific and philosophical) justification. Qutb’s position on the relationship between rationality (al-‘aql) and revelation should be examined within the conceptual framework of <i>hakimiyyah. </i>Examining the idea of <i>hakimiyyah</i>, upon which the concept of <i>jahiliyyah</i> was built, will help us to understand the status of the human intellect in the thought of Qutb.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><i><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span></i>The term <i>hakimiyyah</i> indicates that the ultimate sovereignty and regulation over the universe and all kinds of political and legal authority belong to Allah, that the entire universe came into being and its existence is maintained by the absolute will of God. There is an integral unity (<i>al-wahdah al-kubra</i>) and harmonious interdependence and interconnectedness of all parts of the universe.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> <i>Hakimiyyah</i> is closely connected to the theocentric ontological concept of <i>tawhîd</i>, which includes the principle of <i>tanzîh</i>, namely the negative part of the sentence of <i>tawhîd</i>. This negative part (<i>nafy, Lâ ilâha</i>) rejects all kinds of other sources of transcendence and sovereignty, whereas the positive (<i>ithbât, illa Allah</i>) part excludes the sovereignty of God from this rejection. Any kind of deification of created beings, formation or existence of mediating entities between God and Man thus destroys the ontological hierarchy between Allah and Man and is therefore considered to be idolatry or the attribution of ‘partners’ besides God (<i>shirk</i>).</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>Qutb rigorously contrasts the concept of <i>hakimiyyah</i> to that of <i>jahiliyyah</i>. For him, unlike the traditional understanding, <i>jahiliyyah</i> is not restricted to the pre-islamic society of the Arabian peninsula, but rather a set of socio-political circumstances and conditions resulting in an essentially unislamic social order, in which the sovereignty of Allah is usurped by men or worldly powers and institutions and which is the main cause for human pain and societal corruption and misery . The whole world is stuck in <i>jahiliyyah</i>, since all societies submit to an authority other than God’s and attribute the absolute power to legislate laws and articulate moral codes of conducts to human assemblies.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> The <i>Jahili</i> system is utterly antithetical to the Islamic conception and contrary to the human <i>fitrah. </i>Thus, establishing the divine islamic order based on obedience to <i>hakimiyyah </i>and eliminating this prevailing <i>jahiliyyah</i> should be the essential and main goal for Muslims living under such a <i>jahili</i> system, since the absolute will of Allah in the universe should be manifested in social norms and political legislation. This would create a harmony between the different spheres of divine Sovereignty at the micro-, meso- and macro-level. The divine islamic order is in total harmony with the natural order and contains no exploitation of man by man. The struggle (<i>jihad</i>) for such a system is another act of worship according to Qutb. </span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>There are questions remaining unanswered within Qutb’s conceptualisation. Qutb argues that the <i>Shari’ah</i> (the Islamic constitution according to Qutb) was revealed after the paradigm shift in the Meccan period and the creed of <i>hakimiyyah</i> penetrated the conscience of the first generation of Muslims. As a legal implication, he concludes that the power of the islamic government is constitutional and limited to its function of administration and executing this given divine authorised constitution of <i>Shari’ah</i>. However, the confession of the concept of <i>hakimiyyah</i> and the <i>shari’ah</i> as the compact, competent, authentic and authorised law requires an external epistemic source that supports and sustains the reasonableness of the revelation’s claim to be arising from a divine source. Qutb seems to be ambivalent concerning the question, what the role reason and the human intellect plays in obtaining this essential ontology. Furthermore, the limitedness of the divine sources, the <i>nass</i>, and the emergence of new problems to be solved in accordance to that divine revelation require at least an intellectual reasoning that engages critically with this sources and implements its essence to new circumstances.</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Revelation and the Human intellect (al-‘Aql) and Science</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">For Qutb, the human intellect (<i>al-‘aql</i>) cannot replace revelation (<i>al-wahy</i>) in establishing the foundations of a consistent socio-political system for human beings due to its limitedness. The revelation is the primary and superior source of knowledge and the supreme yardstick for right action and belief and has the predominant legitimacy in guiding human affairs.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> For him, it is another kind of blind <i>jahiliyyah</i>, to try to measure God’s Will (<i>mash’ah</i>) and determinism (<i>qadar</i>) in the universe based on the narrow-mindedness of the human intellect</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> or to attempt to understand the relationship between God, the creation, the universe, man and the purpose of his existence merely through philosophical reasoning.<i> </i>Contrary to the general Mu’tazilite position or Avicenna’s concept of reality and reasoning, he <i>muqawwamat al-tasawwur al Islami</i>, the fundamental components of the Islamic conception, which is a term Qutb used to refer to the epistemological foundations and principles of the Islamic creed, cannot be obtained by theology, philosophy or the use of the human mind.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> While confirming reason as an act of God in this world, he is against the ‘deification of reason’ and argues, that reason needs to acknowledge its limitedness and admit what is beyond its grasp.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>Qutb was totally opposed to the idea of positivism, which elevated intellect and science without taking their limitations into consideration and sought for materialistic and psycho-social explanations for natural events, human behaviour, societal conflicts and developments and consequently paved the way for secularisation.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Even though he thinks that positivist science underrates the ethical individual responsibility of our actions and deeds, he is not opposed to scientific progress and technological improvements. Science is neutral in itself, Qutb argues, it can be used for both good and evil. As the vicegerent of God on earth, human beings need to treat nature justly and responsibly, recognising the absolute sovereignty (<i>hakimiyyah</i>) of God, and create harmony between God, nature and themselves.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> He criticises Western materialistic science for commodifying nature, reducing it to a mere object of utility for scientific research and technological progress, depriving it of its cosmic and ontological meaning as the Book of Creation and highlighting material development and worldly power, disregarding spirituality and morality.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Without rejecting science per se, Qutb is opposed to its use for evil, and philosophical theories such as Rationalism, Positivism, Idealism and dialectic materialism that attempt to explain our existence, ethical values, principles of law and political theories through the authorisation and legitimation of reason alone and its recognition as the superior tool to truth.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Qutb’s Theory of Religious Knowledge</span></b></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">For Qutb, in order to rebuild and revive principles and foundations for an Islamic epistemology, Modern muslims need to rethink and refashion their approach towards the Quran as a foundational text. Thus, he argues:</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><span class="Apple-tab-span"> </span>“The real problem in grasping the significance and the spirit of the Qur'anic teachings does not lie in understanding its words and sentences, that is to say, its exegesis, as is often claimed. This does not constitute a problem at all. The problem lies in the capacity of our minds to reconstruct feelings, ideas, and experiences like the feelings, ideas, and experiences of the first generation of Muslims when they received these revelations from the lips of the Prophet (peace be upon him) in the thick of the struggle. Theirs was a struggle of jihad, of striving within oneself and striving with other people.”</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">True quranic knowledge for Qutb is therefore a constant self-renewing revelatory process based on action and struggle. Knowledge and action are defined as two inseparable interconnected dynamic entities. Only experiencing similar struggles with those of the first Muslims and thus sharing the same atmosphere of experience would make it possible to truly comprehend the meanings and messages of the Qur’an. He draws attention to the connection of the first generation of Muslims to the Quran. Theirs was not a relationship aimed to gain more academic knowledge or acquire culture and information, Qutb continues, but they constantly translated the revelation into action.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Simply gaining cultural or philosophical knowledge, that lacks this ‘experiential meaning of knowledge’</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> interwoven with dynamism and action, is characterised by Qutb as ‘cold knowledge’. He disregards seeking the truths of the Qur’an for the sake of gaining knowledge, but invites his readers to get away from ‘intellectual rubbish’, but to bring the contents of the Islamic concept into realisation. Knowledge and intellectual endeavour is therefore not rejected or underrated by Qutb, but it is constricted to its positive function and pragmatic significance of creating a new reality and guiding people from the condition of the ‘darkness of <i>jahiliyyah’</i> to the ‘light of <i>hakimiyyah’</i>. He limits the function of reason to a single mission: spreading the message of the divine revelation and understanding the message through effort, action and struggle. </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">Greek and Roman Philosophy is incompatible with the Islamic conception and the method of understanding the Qur’an, Qutb says. Thus, the translations of Greek philosophy into the Arabic language during the Abbasid period ‘introduced deviations and foreign elements into the original Islamic concept, which had come originally to rescue mankind from such deviations and speculations’, polluting the purity in the minds, hearts and souls of the early Muslim generations.</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> The attempt to raise Islamic thought to maturity and perfection with the acquisition of the cold logical terms of rational philosophy narrowed the Islamic concept and rendered it ‘superficial, dry, complicated, and incomprehensible.’</span><span class="s2"><sup></sup></span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><b><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Conclusion</span></b></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">We have firstly explored Qutb’s concept of <i>hakimiyyah</i> and its antithetical idea of <i>jahiliyyah</i>. We have seen that Qutb’s understanding of the <i>hakimiyyah</i>, which is deeply embedded in the Islamic theocentric belief of <i>tawhid</i>, is a given conceptual framework. The question however, what role reason and the human intellect play in obtaining this essential ontology, remains unsolved. Furthermore, the limitedness of the divine sources, the <i>nass</i>, and the emergence of new problems to be solved in accordance to that divine revelation require at least an intellectual reasoning that engages critically with these sources and implements its essence to new circumstances. Qutb does not really touch upon this problem.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">We can sum up as a conclusion that Qutb neither rejects nor underrates knowledge and intellectual endeavour, but constricts it to its positive function and pragmatic significance of creating a new reality and guiding people from the condition of the ‘darkness of <i>jahiliyyah’</i> to the ‘light of <i>hakimiyyah’</i>. He limits the function of reason to a single mission: spreading the message of the divine revelation and understanding the message through effort, action and struggle. </span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b>Bibliography</b></span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Abu-Rabi’, Ibrahim.</b></i> Intellectual Origins of Islamic Resurgence in the Modern Arab World, State University of New York Press, 1996</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Ahmed Bouzid</b>.</i> Man, Society, and Knowledge in the Islamist Discourse of Sayyid Qutb, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1998</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Ahmet Davutoglu.</b></i> Alternative Paradigms: The Impact of Islamic and Western Weltanschauungs on Political Theory, 1994, University Press of America</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Ahmad S. Moussalli.</i></b> Radical Islamic Fundamentalism: The Ideological and Political Discourse of Sayyid Qutb, American University of Beirut, 1992</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Aref Ali Nayed</i></b>, The Radical Qur'anic hermeneutics of Sayyid Qutb, Islamic Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Euben & Zaman</i></b>, 'Introduction' in Euben & Zaman (ed.s) Princeton Readings in Islamist Thought. Princeton University Press</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Harvey Cox</i></b>. The Secular City, 1965</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>John Walbridge. </i></b>God and Logic in Islam – The Caliphate of Reason, Cambridge University Press, 2010</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Leaman, O.</b></i> 'Are the Ethics of Religion Objective or Subjective?' in An Introduction to Classical Islamic Philisophy, Cambridge CUP, 2004</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Nathan J. Brown</b></i>, Sayyid Qutb and the Origins of Radical Islamism by John Calvert, Review of Middle East Studies, Vol. 45, No. 2</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Sayed Khatab.</i></b> The Power of Sovereignty - The political and ideological philosophy of Sayyid Qutb, Rutledge Studies in Political Islam, 2006</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Sayed Khatab.</i></b> “Hakimiyyah” and “Jahiliyyah” in the Thought of Sayyid Qutb, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 38, No. 3</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Qutb, Sayyid.</i></b> Khasa’is al-Tasawwur al-Islami wa muqawwimatuh. Cairo: Dar al-Shuruq. 13th ed., 1995, p.64, see pp- 65-72. English Translation: Qutb, Sayyid, The Islamic Concept and its Characteristics, trans. Mohammad Moinuddin Siddiqui. USA: American Traust Publications, 1991</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Qutb.</i></b> Islam the Religion, trans. International Islamic Federation, Riyadh; Saudi Arabia, 4, n.d</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Qutb, Sayyid</b></i>. Ma’alim fi al-Tariq. Cairo: Dar al Shuruq. (1993)</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Qutb, Sayyid.</i></b> The Islamic Concept and its Characteristics, translated by Mohammed Moinuddin Siddiqui, American Trust Publications, 1991</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>Qutb, Sayyid</b></i>. Milestones, American Trust Publications, 1990</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; font-size: x-small;"><i><b>William E. Shepard</b></i>, Sayyid Qutb's Doctrine of 'Jahiliyya', International Journal of Middle East, Vol. 35, No. 4, 2003</span></span></div>
Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-35526433731103436792015-01-31T17:11:00.002+01:002015-02-01T03:25:51.226+01:00‘Post-secularism’ - Did secularism and the Enlightenment project fail?<div class="p1" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s2">In Europe, due </span><span class="s1">to continued religious wars, civil peace and stability could only be ensured by a </span><span class="s2">separation between state and church</span><span class="s1">, which resulted in the end of state-pursued religious goals. The European state system became based on the separation of religion from state affairs, which made secularism modernity’s constitutive feature. Starting from this European experience, scholars and philosophers such as August Comte, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber and Karl Marx prophesied beforehand an inevitable shift from the traditional to the modern; a transformation from religious superstitions to the superiority of rationality; from a deeply hierarchical status-based society to a rights-based and impersonal society, with the inclusion and integration of the people as citizens into political processes of decision-making.</span></span><br />
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<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The secularisation thesis however faced a serious crisis with the unforeseen and perplexing development of the so-called „resurgence of religion“, i.e. the rise of political actors wanting to fashion their own political, economic and social systems based on - again, their own - ethico-social heritage and ontological and epistemological foundations.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">Momentous historical events in international relations such as the Iranian Revolution, the rise of solidarity and the Polish Revolution, and the tragedy of September 11, 2001 led scholars to rethink the “illusion” of the secularisation project that reduced the world to what can be perceived and controlled through reason, science and technology and excluded the sacred, the religious, the spiritual and the traditional.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> The new term ‘post-secularism’ entered the fray, challenging the too narrow Eurocentric – or rather absolutist - perspective of the secularisation theory as a universal teleological process of human and societal development, analysing and explaining the genealogy of the secular, and opening up the possibility of multiple paths to secularity.</span><span class="s4"> </span></span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>The Origins of Secularism in the Enlightenment Period</b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">The term secular, which is derived from the Latin <i>saeculum,</i> implied a marked dual connotation of space and time, referring to ‘this time’ or ‘now, present’ and ‘this world’ or ‘worldly’. The existence of a sacred-profane division in Latin Christendom</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1">, the two spheres of ‘this world’ – ‘the religious’ and ‘the secular’ - both claiming to dominate an autonomous sphere, often caused and opened tensions and conflicts between the two realms</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> – the ‘investiture’ conflicts being the unambiguous manifestation of these omnipresent conflicts - so that necessarily ending this dualism by subordinating the one under the other was the imperative for centuries. Additionally to this horizontal and spatial division of ‘this world’ into two autonomous categories, there was also a vertical temporal division between ‘the other world’ (heaven) and ‘this world’, drawing a tripartite division of what we perceive as reality. This division was politically translated into the transcendental City of God (Heavenly Kingdom), its ecclesiastical clerical embodiment on earth (Church, Papal Kingdom) and the City of Man (the Holy Roman Empire).</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Secularization was the historical process of the breakdown of this dualist horizontal division of ‘this world’; ‘the other world’ was left to the convictional choice of the individual and was therefore repressed into the private sphere.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">Having suffered from perpetual religious wars up until the Peace of Westphalia, Europe went through a historical turning point both in philosophical as well as political terms in the 17</span><span class="s3"><sup>th</sup></span><span class="s1"> century, referred to conventionally as the Age of Enlightenment. Authoritarian religious institutions and rulers were regarded as weakening or at least stagnating scientific research and development. Thus, determined to fight religious bigotry and indoctrination, prominent thinkers such as Thomas Hobbes, René Descartes, David Hume and Immanuel Kant were ambitious in creating a philosophical foundation for “secular” moral values. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">During the period of enlightenment, several meanings were added to the term “secular”, so as to refer to a condition or value that was independent from “the religious”, including rationality, individual autonomy and progress. In the 19</span><span class="s3"><sup>th</sup></span><span class="s1"> century, seminal social thinkers – Friedrich Nietzsche, August Comte, Herbert Spencer, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, Karl Marx, and Sigmund Freud – trumpeted the “death of God”, believing that religion would gradually lose significance and the sacred would disappear altogether, since rationalisation, industrialisation and values such as individual sovereignty, democracy, tolerance and economic progress permeated all spheres of life.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> The institutional and philosophical secularisation and the ultimate demise of religion were strongly assumed to be intrinsically interrelated components of a single universal teleological process of human development.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">Concerning the definition of secularism (or we should rather use the term “<i>secularisation</i>, as an analytical conceptualisation of modern world-historical processes”</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1">), different types of categories were subordinated to this concept. Having the broad body and multidimensional formation of the concept of secularism in mind, we can disaggregate it into three different constituents as Casanova does. Politically, the term implied the removal of religious domination from the public sphere and political authority and the transferral of political functions and institutions from the church to that of state (de-sacralisation of politics); socially and entrepreneurially it suggested a this-worldly orientation and the supremacy of individual reason and science in constructing society (de-consecration of values); and philosophically, the liberation of man from “religious and metaphysical control over his reason, the breaking of all supernatural myths and sacred symbols”</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> and an intellectual disenchantment from the magical image of the world through the theoretical mastery of nature with rationalisation (disenchantment of nature). </span></span></div>
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<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>The resurgence of religion – towards the <i>post-secular</i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">As to the last few decades however, the term “resurgence of religion” has entered the fray of Western academia and international relations theory. Religion, religious beliefs, practices and discourses, religious individuals, NGOs, institutions and political parties have acquired growing significance, visibility, saliency and persuasiveness in personal and public life and appear to have begun to play an increasingly greater role in mobilizing people. A de-privatisation of religion muddled through the modern world; religious traditions rejected the marginal role that secularisation and modernisation theories had imposed on them. The growing trend of globalisation, the subsequently increasing migration flows of peasant societies into urban areas, the urbanisation of rural societies through the rise of media and technology have turned traditions – that seemed to be doomed to extinction – into a significant component of the modern secular age as opposed to the historical conjuncture in which the secularisation model was built. These traditions have now made their own claims on man’s status in this world and its political implications</span><span class="s5">, </span><span class="s1">demanded appreciation as equal active participants of democracy and challenged the teleological, ontological and philosophical presumptions of secularism. Separating the secularisation theory from its ideological roots in its critique of religion in the Enlightenment period became possible. Scholars now began to question the causal relationship between the subordination of the spiritual sphere under the worldly sphere - i.e. the secularisation theory as functional differentiation of the secular and religious spheres - and the on-going indispensable decline and eventual disappearance of religious beliefs and practices. The US presents an extraordinary example: While being one of the world’s most developed and modernised countries and one of the countries to be separating state and church, it also embodies a high proportion of practicing Christians. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="p6" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">The resurgence of religion is since considered to be almost factual. However the question remains unclear and controversial, whether this resurgence has entered as a result of social, cultural and political transformations with a new significance, or whether religion is a phenomenon that had existed all along but just became visible over time. Dirlik argues that religion, being forced to invisibility for decades, has been there all along and merely became visible. For him, religious movements complemented or even replaced “struggles against colonialism, the search for national identity and cultural coherence, and demands for social justice and equality that cut across national and civilizational boundaries.”</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> This question still needs to be examined empirically and discussed theoretically.</span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">From the Iranian revolution to the post-socialist Buddhist revival, from religious extremism or the politics of the headscarf to the fruitless “Arab spring”, considerable trends and developments in the last few decades make it easy to understand why religion has regained its central place in scholarly discourse in the recent past. </span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">But what exactly is meant by ‘post’ in post-secularism? I argue that the term neither implies a rejection (or refusal) of nor a replacement for the secular, it does not indicate a teleological failure of secularism either. It helps religion to negotiate intimately with the secular. In Saba Mahmood’s terms, it frees itself from the manacles of “certainty” and pledges itself to the precarious “space of risk”, showing the eagerness to re-evaluate its own presumptions in the light of the others´.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Post-secularism is concerned with the question whether secular states can defend their commitment to non-religious and neutral principles, without falling into the trap of ideological and coercive authoritarianism by excluding religious actors from the public sphere of which they initially intended to free themselves from. It recognizes the limitations of its positions,</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> criticizes the presumptuous overreach of its claims of truth, while still articulating unshakable conviction. It tries to raise awareness that justifying or attacking any pole of the religious-secular dichotomy has the potential of polarisation and fragmentation. It is rather a modification, revision, adaptation, re-conceptualisation of both the secular and the religious. </span></span></div>
<div class="p5" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">This attempt of re-conceptualisation is evident from José Casanova`s emphasis, that secularisation consists of three independent hypotheses: (1) the decline of individual religiosity and religious belief, (2) the functional differentiation of religious and secular sub-systems and (3) the privatization of religion. He rejects the decline and privatisation theses by questioning their empirical and normative validity and confirms the differentiation thesis. Thus, new concepts of religion such as ‘lived religion’, ‘believing without belonging’ and ‘invisible religion’ emerged vice versa in this context.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> As Talal Asad points out correctly, the terms “religious” and “secular” can only be understood in relation to each other; each new definition of the secular accompanies and requires a new definition of the religious.</span></span></div>
<div class="p16" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s6">Due to its characteristic historical and philosophical exceptionality, recent scholars</span><span class="s7"><sup></sup></span><span class="s6"> have criticised the secularisation theory for its blindness to non-European contextual frameworks. </span><span class="s1">For them, secularism was formed within the European context of conflict between Catholics and Protestants and worked fairly well in their respective regions and societies. Thus, the decline of religious beliefs in the last three centuries is claimed to be a European exception with the American trend being the norm. They argue that secularism was dominated by the problems arising from the aforementioned internal inconsistency of its epistemological disorder and institutional disorganization and that it prevents us from understanding the demands and claims of other traditions that are currently muddling through the integration process into the European environment.</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> </span><span class="s6">Taylor rightly points out that there is an interpenetration and dynamism between “the secular” (state, economy, art, entertainment, science, welfare) and “the religious” (ecclesiastical institution and churches) within the Islamic <i>imago mundi</i> and – in contrast to Latin Christendom – ‘the secular’ realm cannot be understood without reference to the transcendent</span><span class="s7"><sup></sup></span><span class="s6">. Inasmuch as secularism is deeply embedded in the imagination of post-secularism which maintains the polarization between religion and reason and the illegitimacy of the authority of the sacred by expecting religions to develop a hermeneutical self-renewing, post-secularism still cannot claim to be implementable on different contexts or to overcome its Eurocentric presumptions.</span></span></div>
<div class="p17" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"></span><br />
</span></div>
<div class="p14" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>Habermas on the <i>‘post-secular’</i></b></span></div>
<div class="p3" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"></span><br />
</span></div>
<div class="p18" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s6">Habermas has undoubtedly played a pivotal role in post-secularism theory. As many sociologists have paid attention to the limitations of the traditional secularisation thesis, he particularly, among others, has rethought the place of religious contributions in the public sphere and the idea of a post-secular world</span><span class="s8">. </span><span class="s6">For solving the tension between radical multiculturalism, which interprets secularism as freedom of religion, and radical secularism, which is often associated with the French model of </span><span class="s1"><i>Laïcité</i> and upholds the idea of freedom from religion, he proposes a dialogic interaction based on an inclusion of foreign minority cultures into civil society. He questions the legitimacy for the secular state to expect its religious citizens to use a secular language in the public sphere and to act as if they were devoid of religious beliefs. Such a demand would make it impossible for religious citizens to “undertake such an artificial division within their own minds without jeopardizing their existence as pious persons.”</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> He thinks that secular citizens can learn from religious contributions, since religions have the notable power of articulating moral truths. To make this contribution possible, he splits the public sphere into an ‘informal public sphere’, in which religious language and reason can be used, and the ‘institutional public sphere’, where only secular reason counts and into which religious contributions have to be translated. Participants in the informal public sphere, whether secular or religious, should show ‘cooperative cognitive effort’ based on reciprocity and mutual respect, each side willing to accept the possible truth of his counterpart’s arguments.</span></span></div>
<div class="p19" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s1">Habermas uses the term <i>post-secular</i> to identify the challenge secular societies face where religions remain a significant public and cognitive substance. Imposing a democratic order on Muslim communities, he argues, will not lead to a responsible internalised acceptance of the secular legitimation of constitutional principles. Thus, they will have to go through a <i>‘learning process’</i>. He agrees with the necessity of a reformed historical-hermeneutical approach to the Quranic doctrine, which is exactly what Mahmood criticizes and argues to signal a </span><span class="s6">fundamental misunderstanding of contemporary Islamic resurgence and accuses of marking a “normative secularity”</span><span class="s9">.</span><span class="s10"><sup></sup></span><span class="s9"> </span><span class="s1">Habermas proposes a reform in epistemic attitudes</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> equivalent or at least similar to the theological transformation of the Western Reformation period for the long run, while discouraging from governmental intervention (<i>laissez-faire</i>).</span><span class="s3"><sup></sup></span><span class="s1"> Habermas further presupposes an implicit link between religious extremism and piety, which shows that the secularist epistemic framework remains still anchored in his imagination of post-secularism.</span></span></div>
<div class="p19" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br />
</span></div>
<div class="p20" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1" style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>Conclusion</b></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br /></span>
<br />
<div class="p18" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span class="s6">I have tried to outline the theory of post-secularism by first examining the historical and philosophical framework in which secularism initially emerged and asserted its claims. We have seen that the philosophical, political and societal constituents of the secularism thesis were perceived as </span><span class="s1">intrinsically interrelated components of a single universal epistemological process of human development. This holistic imagination has been subject to a serious review and reconsideration in the last few decades. However, the idea of post-secular neither </span><span class="s2">implies a rejection of the secular, nor a teleological failure of secularism per se</span><span class="s1">. It rather tries to include religious voices, terminologies into the hitherto secular public sphere, and it re-conceptualises, modifies </span><span class="s2">both the secular and the religious, re-evaluates and abstracts its own presumptions and finally recognises its own limitations, while still sticking insistently to its inevitable secular epistemic framework, by recognising ‘the religious’ and encouraging and facilitating its way to gaining a secular <i>episteme</i>. Post-secularism is the process from a polemical, thoroughly ideological distaste for religion, to a more including, embracing, self-critical and respectful attitude towards religion.</span></span></div>
<div class="p18" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif;"><br />
</span></span></div>
<div class="p18">
<span class="s2"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;">Bibliography</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"></span><br />
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Butler, Judith, Jürgen Habermas, Charles Taylor, and Cornel West</i></b> (2011) <i>The Power of Religion in the Public Sphere.</i> New York: Columbia University Press.</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Casanova, J</i></b>., “Public religions in the modern world”, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, Introduction, Chapter 1, 1994</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Casanova, José,</i></b> ‘The Secular, Secularizations, Secularisms’ in Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen, eds.,</span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1"><i>Rethinking Secularism</i>. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Casanova, José</i></b>, ‘Rethinking Secularization: A Global Comparative Perspective’,</span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1"><i>The Hedgehog Review</i></span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1">Spring/Summer, 2006 </span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Davutoglu, Ahmet</i></b> Alternative Paradigms: The Impact of Islamic and Western <i>Weltanschauungs</i> on</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Dirlik, Arif,</i></b> ‘Modernity in Question?: Culture and Religion in an Age of Global Modernity’,</span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1"><i>Diaspora: A </i></span><span class="s1"><i>Journal of Transnational Studies,</i></span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1">12: 2, 2003</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Ehrenberg, John</i></b> (1999) <i>Civil Society: The History of An Idea</i>. New York and London: New York University Press, chpts. 2 & 3.</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Habermas, Jürgen</i></b>, Notes on a Postsecular Society’,</span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1"><i>New Perspectives Quarterly</i>, 24: 4, 2008 </span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Habermas, Jürgen</i></b>, ‘Religion in the Public Sphere’,<i>European Journal of Philosophy</i></span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1">14:1, 2006</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Habermas, Jürgen</i></b>; Ratzinger, Joseph; Dialektik der Säkularisierung, Über Vernunft und Religion, Herder Verlag, 2005</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Harvey Cox,</i></b> The Secular City, Introduction, 1965</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Hashemi, Nader</i></b>, Islam Secularism and Liberal Democracy, Oxford University Press, 2009</span></span></div>
<div class="p6" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Jansen, Yolande</i></b> (2010) ‘Secularism and Security: France, Islam, and Europe’ in Linnell Cady and Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, eds., <i>Comparative Secularisms in a Global Age</i>. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 69-86.</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Jansen, Y,</i></b> ‘Postsecularism, Piety, and Fanaticism: Reflections on Jürgen Habermas’ and Saba Mahmood’s Critiques of Secularism’,</span><span class="s2"> </span><span class="s1"><i>Philosophy & Social Criticism</i>, 37: 9, 2011</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Linda Woodhead </i></b>- Christianity a Very Short Introduction - Oxford University Press, USA, 2005 </span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>M. Hakan Yavuz, John L. Esposito</i></b>, Turkish Islam and the Secular State – The Gülen Movement, Syracuse University Press, 2003</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Mahmood, Saba (2006) </i></b>‘Secularism, Hermeneutics, and Empire: The Politics of Islamic Reformation’, <i>Public Culture</i> 18: 2, pp. 323–47.</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Mahmood, Saba,</i></b> „Feminist Theory, Embodiment, and the Docile Agent: Some Reflections on the Egyptian Islamic Revival,“ Cultural Anthropology 16.2, 2001</span></span></div>
<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Mavelli, Luca,</i></b> Europe`s Encounter with Islam – The secular and the postsecular, Routledge Taylor & Francis Group, 2012</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Norris, P. & Inglehart, R.</i></b>, “Sacred and secular: religion and politics worldwide”, Cambridge University Press, New York; Cambridge, Chapter 1 - The Secularization Debate, 2004</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Ratti, Manav,</i></b> ‘The Postsecular Imagination, Postcolonialism, Religion and Literature’, <i>Routledge Research in Postcolonial Literature</i>, Introduction, 2013</span></span></div>
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<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Scott M. Thomas,</i></b> The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005 </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><span class="s1"><b><i>Shah, Timothy Samuel and Daniel Philpott</i></b> (2011) ‘The Fall and Rise of Religion in International Relations: History and Theory’ in Jack Snyder, ed. <i>Religion and International Relations Theory</i>. New </span>York: Columbia University Press.</span></div>
<div class="p6" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Shakman Hurd, Elizabeth (2011)</i></b> ‘A Suspension of (Dis)belief: The Secular-Religious Binary and the Study of International Relations’ in Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan </span></span></div>
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<div class="p2" style="text-align: justify;">
<span class="s1"><span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><b><i>Taylor, Charles</i></b>, ‘Western Secularity’ in Calhoun, Craig, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Jonathan VanAntwerpen, eds., Rethinking Secularism. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011</span></span></div>
Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-83129449578791913322013-06-03T14:01:00.000+02:002015-02-01T02:49:38.737+01:00Partizipative Demokratie, Zivilgesellschaft und rationale Nüchternheit <h2>
<span style="font-size: small;">
Istanbuls „One minute”-Appell an Erdoğan</span></h2>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><b>Premierminister Erdoğan und die AKP haben in den
letzten Monaten versäumt, ihre Politik dem Volk gegenüber ausreichend
nachvollziehbar zu machen. Ein Mehr an Bürgerbeteiligung könnte dem
entgegensteuern. </b></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; text-align: justify;">Nachdem die türkische Polizei zwei Tage lang Demonstranten in Istanbul, die anfangs gegen den Bau eines Einkaufszentrums protestierten, mit Wasserwerfern und Tränengas bekämpft hatte, wurde aus den friedlichen Aktionen ein Protest gegen die türkische Regierung. Tausende Twitter-User mobilisierten einander wechselseitig mit Tweets wie „Es geht nicht um Bäume, es geht um den Sturz der Regierung“ oder „Wir werden es schaffen“. </span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif; text-align: justify;">Deutsche Medien scheinen derzeit miteinander um die Nummer Eins in Sachen Medienpopulismus zu wetteifern, wenn es um die Innenpolitik der Türkei geht. Titel wie „Türkischer Frühling“ oder „Die Türkei gegen den Sultan“ scheinen zu punkten und besonderes Interesse bei den Lesern zu wecken. Nur schade, dass man sich nicht genug Gedanken darüber macht, dass diese möglicherweise Menschen spalten und unnötig emotionalisieren – möglicherweise ist das ja sogar gewollt. Doch obwohl dies mal angemerkt sein sollte, geht es in diesem Artikel nicht um mediale Ethik und Öffentlichkeitsverantwortung.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Die Mängel in der öffentlichen Diplomatie und die mangelnde Transparenz hinsichtlich des Friedensprozesses in den Kurdengebieten haben beim türkischen Bürger in den letzten fünf Monaten zu Verwirrung und Ärger geführt und sogar Gewalt seitens kleinerer Gruppen auf den Straßen ausgelöst.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #3f3f3f; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><strong style="border: 0px; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Instinktlosigkeit gegenüber den Aleviten</strong></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Als die Bombenanschläge in der Grenzstadt Reyhanlı Ängste hinsichtlich eines neuen sunnitisch-alevitischen Konflikts schürten, versuchte Erdoğan „zwei Fliegen mit einer Klappe zu schlagen“, wie es die Redewendung besagt. Um einerseits die öffentliche Aufmerksamkeit zu zerstreuen und andererseits seine sunnitisch-konservativen Wähler glücklich zu machen, entwarf seine Partei ein Gesetz zur Einschränkung des Verkaufs alkoholischer Getränke, was wiederum der rationale städtische Wähler, einschließlich der Sunniten, als eine Intervention in seinen privaten Lebensstil wahrnahm.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;"></span>
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Fast zwei Wochen diskutierten Politiker, Analysten und Journalisten über den Säkularismus, die Stellung des Islam in der politischen Agenda und die Grenzen seiner Funktion als Entscheidungsfaktor. Kemalisten witterten wieder mal „Scharia“ und „Islamisten an der Macht“ – eine Keule, die insbesondere mit Blick auf pawlowsche Reflexe in einschlägigen westlichen Medien immer wirkt.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Nicht nur das. Eine bahnbrechende Zeremonie für den Bau einer dritten Brücke über den Bosporus fand diese Woche statt, obwohl über ihre Auswirkungen auf die Umwelt unzureichend diskutiert worden war. Der künftigen Brücke wurde der Name des Sultan Selim, des ersten osmanischen Kalifen des 16. Jahrhunderts verliehen, der für seine schiitenfeindliche Politik bekannt war. Durch die Zusammenarbeit einiger alevitischer Gruppierung mit der politischen Schia gerieten auch diese in den Fokus Selims. Die Brücke hätte etwa auch nach Rumi, dem berühmten Denker des Sufismus, benannt werden können, der eine Lehre der universellen Toleranz von Anatolien aus verbreitete, oder nach einem anderen islamischen „Humanisten“. Die tatsächliche Namenswahl sorgte jedoch dafür, dass Aleviten, eine religiöse Gruppe, welche immerhin 10 % der Bevölkerung stellt und immer noch auf eine offizielle Anerkennung ihrer religiösen Identität wartet, sich in ihrer Identität ignoriert, wenn nicht sogar beleidigt fühlten. Der letzte Schlag kam, als die Bauvorhaben auf dem Taksim-Platz öffentlich bekanntgegeben wurden, ohne dass wirklich eine öffentliche Debatte bzw. Diskussion stattgefunden hätte. Ein gut gemeinter Protest endete in einem ideologischen Desaster. „Ihr könnt machen, was Ihr wollt. Wir haben uns schon entschieden”, sagte Erdoğan einige Tage vor den Protesten zu den Gegnern des Taksim-Umbaus. Ironie des Schicksals: Noch vor wenigen Jahren hatte sich der Premier auf einer Davos-Konferenz mit seinem berühmt gewordenen Zitat „One minute” darüber beschwert, nicht genügend Redezeit gewährt bekommen zu haben, sodass er nicht das sagen konnte, was er wollte. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #3f3f3f; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><strong style="border: 0px; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Kein Zurück zum Autoritarismus der Kemalisten</strong></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">„Das Land muss sein autoritäres Staatsverständnis überwinden“, schrieb gestern </span><a href="http://www.zeit.de/meinung/2013-06/tuerkei-protest-erdogan" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" target="_blank">L. Jacobsen in seinem Artikel in der "Zeit"</a><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;"> und offenbarte damit als einer von wenigen deutschen Journalisten Augenmaß. Richtig ist, dass sich das türkische Paradigma „Gesellschaften östlicher Kulturen handeln führerorientiert“ nun langsam in den Köpfen der Menschen selbst ablöst. Möglicherweise ist dies Zeichen eines politischen und kulturellen Aufstiegs der türkischen Gesellschaft, zu der die AKP-Regierung sowohl wirtschafts- als auch bildungspolitisch selbst viel beigetragen hat.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Die Türkei befindet sich nun in einer neuen Ära, in der sich die Regierung angesichts der Dynamiken im Inland hin zu einem neuen Demokratieverständnis bewegen muss; nämlich hin zur partizipativen Demokratie. Analysten behaupten, dass Demokratie nicht auf Dauer funktioniere, wenn Wähler sich nach den Wahlen vier Jahre lang zurücklehnen würden. Menschen wollen sich an öffentlichen Diskursen beteiligen, sie wollen an politischen Entscheidungen teilhaben.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;"><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" />
<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Auf der anderen Seite sollten Kemalisten nun endlich lernen, nüchterner und mit etwas mehr Mäßigung ihre politischen Wünsche gegenüber der Regierung zu äußern. Ideologische Blindheit mit einer Prise Gewalt, Hass und das Einteilen der Gesellschaft in „Ihr“ und „Wir“ schaden dem Zusammenleben und dem gegenseitigen Respekt - zumal man, was autoritäres Staats- und Gesellschaftsverständnis sowie die Verhinderung von Partizipation anbelangt, in diesen Kreisen durchaus Grund zu umfassender Selbstkritik hat. Ideologische Parolen und Slogans wie „Wir sind alle Soldaten Atatürks“ haben in der Türkei des 21. Jahrhundert keine Zukunft.</span></span></div>
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-28619846078231122772013-05-17T17:23:00.000+02:002015-02-01T02:50:00.490+01:00Freedom of the Press in Turkey - Tied to the Leash of the State<br />
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigsde5axRLQJuh3-QhJf8kOUkhwpn_cO1VYowm73W4YbDIdV1mWUG7CtC-nOAqiUt29p8l6UTgEbaZ9kZqNtYB0eTbtH5au0DMAqYaJR8hT033vr4Y_ytFTomd6Y3DPmHKwvHlrVPxvQo/s1600/Bildschirmfoto+2013-05-17+um+17.16.34.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEigsde5axRLQJuh3-QhJf8kOUkhwpn_cO1VYowm73W4YbDIdV1mWUG7CtC-nOAqiUt29p8l6UTgEbaZ9kZqNtYB0eTbtH5au0DMAqYaJR8hT033vr4Y_ytFTomd6Y3DPmHKwvHlrVPxvQo/s320/Bildschirmfoto+2013-05-17+um+17.16.34.png" height="320" width="272" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">This article was published at <a href="http://en.qantara.de/Tied-to-the-Leash-of-the-State/21070c23436i1p523/index.html">en.Qantara.de</a> </td></tr>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">According to information from "Reporters without Borders", there are more journalists imprisoned in Turkey today than there ever have been since the end of the military regime in 1983. The freedom of the Turkish press is kept within very narrow limits. Yet, is this really such a new phenomenon? Fatih Cicek offers some answers</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Not sure if you've noticed: all these sleazy, slimy, vulgar crooks and clowns also happen to be Allah followers. Isn't that paradoxical?" This was, more or less, what Fazil Say wrote in one of his Tweets. Say is a Turkish composer and writer, whose orchestral works have been performed by the New York Philharmonic and the Berlin Sinfonie Orchester.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">As a result of his Tweet, Say has been sentenced to ten months imprisonment in accordance with Paragraph 216/3 of the Turkish penal code. The justification was that Say "publically insulted and depreciated religious values and individuals with religious sensitivities."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">This is not the first time that the Erdogan government has been criticised at home and abroad for the sentencing of journalists. In a letter to Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arinc, Amnesty International called upon the Turkish authorities to assume greater responsibility for the freedom of the press and to adapt Turkish laws to comply with international standards of human rights.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists has published a 53-page report in which it describes the situation of convicted journalists in Turkey. However, in order to gain an understanding of freedom of the press in Turkey and, not least of all, to be able to pass judgement on the political direction of the country's governing elite, we should perhaps refresh our knowledge on Turkish history.</span></div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; direction: ltr; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The authoritarian policies of the Young Turks</span></strong></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">First of all, there has never been any freedom of the press, as generally understood, in Turkey. After their putsch in 1913, the Young Turks (members of the Committee of Union and Progress) established an authoritarian one-party system, which, as the historian Erik-Jan Zürcher correctly argues, continued to exist until 1950.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Young Turks, including the Kemalists as well, aimed to achieve a "national economy". The secular, nationalist Young Turks were disturbed by the fact that the private sector was mainly controlled by Ottoman citizens of Greek, Armenian, and Jewish heritage. With the help of state power, the Young Turks wanted to transfer the private sector into the hands of ethnic Turks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Non-Muslims were not only driven out of Turkey, but their possessions were legally as well as illegally transferred to ethnic Turks. In this manner, the state artificially created a Turkish bourgeoisie.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">This state of affairs continued until the AK Party formed the government. The state-contrived rich elite was pushed aside by a Muslim-conservative "opposing elite", which, to some extent, continued to govern using the same traditional Kemalist mechanisms and displaying the same sort of reflexes. The AKP seemed to have found a modus vivendi or a kind of balance with the "state" or, in other words, the Kemalist bureaucratic oligarchy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">The Young Turks required a nation and a state that could be constructed from the top down through social engineering. The new state wanted to create "good citizens" out of secular, Kemalist, non-practicing Sunni Turks.</span></div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; direction: ltr; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Journalists as putschists</span></strong></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">In addition to their many other mechanisms, the Young Turks also employed the media to achieve this goal.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">This state-sponsored Turkish bourgeoisie was assigned the task of using their monopoly over the media for these hegemonic purposes. The general population was unfamiliar with the notion of freedom of the press, especially practicing Muslims, who made up the majority of the country. For this reason, they hardly take the old elite seriously now.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Ahmet Sik, Nedim Sener, and Nuray Mert, as well as many other journalists have been charged with supporting – directly or indirectly – Ergenekon, a nationalist and terrorist underground organization in Turkey, the PKK, or other similar organizations. The extremely abstract and broadly formulated paragraphs of the criminal code make it easy to link the professional activities of journalists with illegal political movements or those planning a putsch.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Some of the most frequently applied paragraphs of the criminal code fundamentally clash with journalistic methods of research, such as talking with security officials or gaining access to documents. The corresponding charges fall under Paragraph 285 (violation of the confidentiality of an investigation) and Paragraph 288 (the attempt to influence a court case).</span></div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; direction: ltr; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">Under suspicion of belonging to "Ergenekon"</span></strong></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">"Since 2008, I have been indicted 75 times. In around half of the cases, I was acquitted," reports Büsra Erdal, a reporter with the pro-government newspaper "Zaman". She covers cases dealing with Ergenekon and Balyoz (sledgehammer), another supposed plan by the Turkish armed forces to overthrow the AKP government.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">It is very dangerous to report on such sensitive cases. Typical charges are mostly based on paragraphs of the criminal code that deal with "the violation of the confidentiality of an investigation" or "the attempt to influence a court case".</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">When, for example, Erdal wrote a commentary in which he questioned the qualifications and competency of the judges in the Balyoz case, she was charged with "insulting the judiciary, violating confidentiality, and attempting to influence a court case".</span></div>
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<em style="border: 0px; direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; font-size: 13.333333969116211px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Fatih Cicek</em></div>
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<em style="border: 0px; direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; font-size: 13.333333969116211px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">© Qantara.de 2013</em></div>
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<em style="border: 0px; direction: ltr; font-family: inherit; font-size: 13.333333969116211px; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Editor: Arian Fariborz/Qantara.de 2013</em></div>
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-46558814444941801612013-05-03T17:24:00.000+02:002014-10-30T02:00:54.059+01:00Wahre Pressefreiheit hat es in der Türkei nie gegeben<h3>
<span style="font-family: Helvetica Neue, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-weight: normal;">Heute ist der Tag der Pressefreiheit. Der Fall des türkischen Komponisten Say hat zuletzt über die Landesgrenzen hinaus Kritiker auf den Plan gerufen. <span style="border: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><em style="border: 0px; color: #777777; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"></em></span>Ein <span style="border: 0px; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><em style="border: 0px; color: #777777; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;"></em></span>Rückblick in die Geschichte der türkischen Republik lohnt sich. <a name='more'></a></span></h3>
<i><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; text-align: center;">Dieser Artikel wurde am 3. Mai auf </span><a href="http://www.theeuropean.de/fatih-cicek/6839-pressefreiheit-in-der-tuerkei" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; text-align: center;">The European</a><span style="font-family: Georgia, Times New Roman, serif;">, <a href="http://de.qantara.de/Am-Gaengelband-des-Staates/21065c23429i1p526/index.html">Qantara.de</a><span style="text-align: center;"> und </span><a href="http://dtj-online.de/news/detail/2191/wahre_pressefreiheit_hat_es_in_der_turkei_nie_gegeben.html" style="text-align: center;">DT</a></span><a href="http://dtj-online.de/news/detail/2191/wahre_pressefreiheit_hat_es_in_der_turkei_nie_gegeben.html" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; text-align: center;">J</a><span style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; text-align: center;"> veröffentlicht.</span></i><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi7sSCX6ETBogNQzBIbID5MpoPFSE29J34H5I3hGYbyvbN67unR21vTcX-KRJB8r9OO6m5kOKy-1jyYo16bcDqGuS0uDJo0hLaUpZUaEuY5bECDr2afQJs6tJR5S0l-E51MQvTLQiNgbFU/s1600/T_rkei_Pressefreiheit_rtr.JPG" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><i></i></a></div>
<i><span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #777777; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">„Wo immer man hinterfotzige Arschlöcher, </span></span><span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #777777; font-family: Verdana; font-size: 14px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><span style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Magazinfritzen, Diebe, Hanswurste und Hinternkriecher sieht, sind es alles die Allah-Männer.“</span></span></i> </blockquote>
<span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">So in etwa lautete einer der Tweets von Fazıl Say, einem türkischen Komponisten und Schriftsteller, dessen orchestrale Stücke die New Yorker Philharmoniker und das Berliner Sinfonie-Orchester vorführten. Aufgrund seiner Tweets wurde Say nach Paragraf 216/3 des türkischen Strafgesetzbuches zu zehn Monaten Haft verurteilt, mit der Begründung, „religiöse Werte und Menschen mit religiösen Empfindlichkeiten öffentlich beleidigt und herabgewürdigt zu haben“.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Nicht selten bekam die Regierung Erdoğans aufgrund der Verurteilung von Journalisten Kritik sowohl aus dem Aus- wie Inland. In einem Brief an den stellvertretenden türkischen Premierminister Bülent Arınç rief Amnesty International die türkischen Behörden dazu auf, eine besondere Verantwortung für die Pressefreiheit zu entwickeln und die entsprechenden Gesetze auf das Niveau internationaler Menschenrechtsnormen zu heben. Das in New York ansässige Committee to Protect Journalists veröffentlichte einen 53-seitigen Bericht, in dem es um die Situation der verurteilten Journalisten in der Türkei geht. Um ein Verständnis für die Pressefreiheit in der Türkei zu entwickeln und letztendlich ein persönliches Urteil über die politische Richtung der Regierungseliten geben zu können, sollten wir uns die Geschichte der Türkei aber noch einmal kurz in Erinnerung rufen.</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><strong style="border: 0px; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Pressefreiheit hat es in der Türkei noch nie gegeben</strong></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Zunächst: Pressefreiheit hat es in der Türkei noch nie gegeben. Nach ihrem Putsch 1913 etablierten die Jungtürken (Mitglieder des „Komittees für Einheit und Fortschritt“) ein autoritäres Einparteiensystem, welches sich – wie der Historiker Erik-Jan Zürcher richtig argumentiert – bis 1950 erhielt.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Die Jungtürken – darunter auch die Kemalisten – strebten eine „Nationale Volkswirtschaft“ an. Die säkular-nationalistischen Jungtürken fühlten sich durch die Tatsache gestört, dass der private Sektor größtenteils von osmanischen Bürgern griechischer, armenischer und jüdischer Herkunft kontrolliert wurde. Die Jungtürken wollten den privaten Sektor mithilfe der staatlichen Macht „türkisieren“.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Nichtmuslime wurden nicht nur aus der Türkei vertrieben, sogar ihre Vermögen wurden durch legale oder illegale Mittel an Türken übergegeben. Eine künstliche, vom Staat geschaffene, türkische Bourgeoisie bildete sich heraus.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Dieser Zustand dauerte bis zur Regierungszeit der AKP an. Diese vom Staat kreierte reiche Elite wurde durch eine muslimische, konservative Gegenelite ersetzt, die teilweise mit denselben traditionellen kemalistischen Mechanismen reagiert und deren Reflexe zeigt. Die AKP scheint einen modus vivendi, oder eine Art Gleichgewicht mit dem „Staat“ bzw. der kemalistisch bürokratischen Oligarchie erreicht zu haben.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><strong style="border: 0px; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Journalisten arbeiten mit Putschisten zusammen</strong></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Die Jungtürken brauchten eine Nation, einen Staat, den sie durch Social Engineering von oben nach unten konstruierten. Der neue Staat akzeptierte nur den „Homo LASTus“-Bürger, den laizistischen, kemalistischen (Atatürkçü), nichtpraktizierend sunnitischen Türken. Neben vielen anderen Mechanismen machten sich die Jungtürken für diesen Zweck eben auch die Medien zunutze. Ihre politische und wirtschaftliche Hegemonie sollte nun für immer erhalten bleiben. Die vom Staat hergestellte türkische Bourgeoisie hatte die Aufgabe, ihr Medienmonopol für diese hegemonialen Zwecke auszunutzen. Pressefreiheit war den Menschen fremd, besonders für die praktizierenden Muslime, die die Mehrheit des Landes bilden. Daher nehmen sie die alte Elite heute kaum ernst.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Ahmet Şık, Nedim Şener, Nuray Mert sind Namen, die dem durchschnittlichen Türken bekannt sind. Viele Journalisten wurden mit der Begründung angeklagt, </span><a href="http://dtj-online.de/news/detail/1466/ergenekon_gotterdammerung_der_antidemokratischen_eliten_.html" style="background-color: white; border: 0px; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;" target="_blank">Ergenekon – eine nationalistisch-terroristische Untergrundorganisation in der Türkei</a><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;"> – die PKK oder andere Organisationen direkt oder indirekt zu unterstützen.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Die sehr abstrakt und breit formulierten Paragrafen des Strafgesetzbuches erleichtern es, berufliche Aktivitäten der Journalisten mit illegalen politischen Bewegungen oder Putschplänen zu assoziieren.</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">Einige der am häufigsten verwendeten Paragrafen des Strafgesetzbuches überschneiden sich mit prinzipiellen Recherchemethoden. Dazu gehören das Sprechen mit Sicherheitsbeamten und das Erhalten von Dokumenten. Dazu gehören der Paragraf 285 (das Verletzen der Vertraulichkeit einer Untersuchung) und Paragraf 288 (der Versuch, einen Prozess zu beeinflussen).</span><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><br style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;" /><span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; text-align: justify;">„Seit 2008 wurde ich 75 Mal angeklagt. In etwa der Hälfte der Fälle bin ich freigesprochen worden“, sagte Büşra Erdal, eine Reporterin der regierungsnahen Tageszeitung „Zaman“. Sie verfolgt die Fälle Ergenekon und Balyoz (Vorschlaghammer), ein weiterer mutmaßlicher Plan der türkischen Streitkräfte, die AKP-Regierung zu stürzen. Es ist sehr gefährlich, über solch empfindliche Fälle zu berichten. Typische Anklagen basieren meist auf den Paragrafen des Strafgesetzbuches, die die „Verletzung der Vertraulichkeit der Untersuchung“ oder „den Versuch auf Einflussnahme auf einen Prozess“ behandeln. Als Erdal zum Beispiel eine Analyse schrieb, in der sie die Qualifikationen und Kompetenzen der Richter im Fall „Balyoz“ infrage stellte, wurde sie wegen „Beleidigung der Justiz“, „Verletzung der Geheimhaltung“ und „Versuch, ein Verfahren zu beeinflussen“ angeklagt.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; border: 0px; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; margin: 0px; padding: 0px; text-align: justify;"><strong style="border: 0px; font-style: inherit; margin: 0px; padding: 0px;">Fällt Beleidigung unter Meinungsfreiheit?</strong></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Trebuchet MS, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Zu dem Fall von Fazıl Say wurde viel geschrieben. Linksextreme liefen Sturm und riefen nach mehr Gerechtigkeit und Freiheit. Ob es ethisch korrekt ist, solche Tweets zu veröffentlichen, kann jeder für sich selbst klären. Es ist schwierig, die Frage zu beantworten, ob eine derartige Beleidigung von weltweit vier Milliarden Gottesgläubigen unter Meinungsfreiheit (!) fällt. Man stelle sich den Tweet folgendermaßen vor und überlege sich, welche juristischen Konsequenzen eine solche „Meinungskundgebung“ in Deutschland mit sich bringen würde:</span><br />
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-31865583841006166822012-11-18T01:36:00.000+01:002014-10-30T02:01:38.145+01:00Die Türkei zwischen nationalem Interesse und Demokratieförderung – der Fall Syrien<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"> Abstrakt:</span></b></div>
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<table cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="float: right; text-align: left;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipF9QwQoKZ-LUFPIIN9MAtz0q2kWTl9tONKZJdw-r3XI5j-ZSEanUhz0qQtVNX2QFEWRXsplz3GwBStLRKbMXeCIKP_DjWfNN9xZPrMaMHsQgCXkg2Wj6HxO-bkMTkTuzft6DH0Rou8FA/s1600/Bildschirmfoto+2012-11-30+um+16.10.54.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEipF9QwQoKZ-LUFPIIN9MAtz0q2kWTl9tONKZJdw-r3XI5j-ZSEanUhz0qQtVNX2QFEWRXsplz3GwBStLRKbMXeCIKP_DjWfNN9xZPrMaMHsQgCXkg2Wj6HxO-bkMTkTuzft6DH0Rou8FA/s400/Bildschirmfoto+2012-11-30+um+16.10.54.png" height="167" width="200" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://www.theeuropean.de/fatih-cicek/5546-tuerkische-aussenpolitik-und-syrien">hier geht es zu einer gekürzteren und etwas vereinfachten Version</a></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><i>Die geografische Sicherheitslage der Türkei wurde durch die
Intensivierung ihres Engagements in benachbarten Regionen, besonders dem Nahen
Osten, neu definiert. Der arabische Frühling („das arabische Erwachen“) und nun
auch die Syrien-Krise forder(te)n jedoch nicht nur die autoritären Regime, sondern ebenso die türkische außenpolitische Strategie
heraus. </i></span><br />
<a name='more'></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><i>Diese Strategie basierte weniger auf dem Prinzip der
Demokratieförderung, sondern zielte vielmehr auf
wirtschaftliche Kooperation mit den existierenden Regimen ab. Die Aufstände in
der arabischen Welt kreierten insofern ein Dilemma zwischen einer ethisch
ausgelegten Außenpolitik und den nationalen Interessen.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Inmitten des Flusses von geopolitischen Restrukturierungen in einer der
weltweit instabilsten Regionen versuchen Eliten der türkischen Außenpolitik
neue Strategien zu entwickeln, um dieses Dilemma zu überwinden. Einem
steigenden Eifer regionale Probleme zu lösen und einer sinkenden
Sicherheitsorientierung, steht die Türkei nun
vor zwei Dimensionen: Die normative und die realpolitische Dimension der
türkischen Außenpolitik.</i></span></blockquote>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Die türkische Außenpolitik, die seit dem Regierungsantritt der
islamisch konservativen AKP im November 2002 deutlich neue Akzente gesetzt hat,
beruht auf dem Konzept des jetzigen Außenministers, dem wichtigsten Architekten
der türkischen Außenpolitik und Politologieprofessors Davutoğlu. Mit seinen Konzepten
der „Strategische(n) Tiefe“ und „Zero-Problem-Politik mit den Nachbarstaaten“
brachte Davutoğlu zum Ausdruck, dass der Wert einer Nation auf ihrer
geostrategischen Lage und ihrer historischen Tiefe beruht. Nach Davutoğlu ist die
Türkei mit beiden Gütern ausgestattet. Demnach sei die Türkei besonders im
Hinblick auf ihre historischen und geopolitischen Einflusszonen ein wichtiger
internationaler Funktionär im Zentrum verschiedenster Regionen<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>:
Dem Balkan, dem Nahen Osten, Kaukasus, dem kontinentalen Europa, Nordafrika,
Südasien und inmitten des Schwarzen-, des Kaspischen Meeres und dem Persischen
Golf. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Die Konnotationen der „Strategischen Tiefe“ beinhalten ein
verstärktes, kooperatives Engagement in
alt-osmanischen Staaten, deren Völker die „Rückkehr“ der Türkei wahrscheinlich
willkommen heißen würden, mit besonderem Fokus auf Syrien. Neue Verbündete wie
die Schwellenländer China und Indien, oder ehemalig entfremdete Staaten wie
Russland und Iran sollen helfen, die Abhängigkeitswaage der Türkei zum Westen
zur Balance zu bringen. Ferner soll die Zusammenarbeit mit Russland und Serbien dafür sorgen,
dass die Türkei eine intensivere Verantwortung für die Stabilität im Balkan
entwickelt. Die Rolle der Türkei soll in der islamischen Welt betont werden,
und historische Beziehungen zu Afghanistan, Pakistan und sogar Malaysia erneuert
und aufgefrischt werden. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Während Kritiker der AKP-Regierung aufgrund dieses strategischen
Paradigmenwechsels die Abkehr vom Westen und neoosmanischen Hegemonialismus in
den Osten vorwerfen, applaudierten ihre Befürworter den offenen Aktivismus in
den Nachbarländern. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Die Türkei, die also jahrzehntelang den Nahen Osten vom Fernen passiv
beobachtet hat findet sich nun vor den Dynamiken dieser Region und ihren
Realitäten. Die heterogenen Resultate des politischen Erdbebens im Nahen Osten
brachten sowohl die EU, wie auch die Türkei zum Rütteln und zwangen diese zur
Erörterung und Umstrukturierung ihrer traditionellen Strategien in dieser
Region. Einige Staaten (z.B. Tunesien) befinden sich vielmehr in einem
Demokratisierungsprozess als wiederum andere, die Formen autoritärer
Neugestaltungen vorweisen (Ägypten), während andere sich zurückhaltend in
Richtung Reform bewegen (Marokko). Die Zukunft der Staaten Bahrain, Libyen,
Syrien oder Jemen bleibt noch ungewiss.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Fest steht jedenfalls dass eine Rückkehr zum Status quo ante auszuschließen
ist. In Anbetracht dessen, dass Syrien bisher als das
Aushängeschild/Paradebeispiel des „Null-Probleme mit den Nachbarstaaten“-Konzeptes
galt, hat der politische Wandel im Nahen Osten gezeigt, dass die regionale
politische Kultur noch fern von Konsolidierungen ist und zweifelsohne mit
weniger Stabilität zumindest in der kurzen Frist zu rechnen ist.<span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title="">[6]</a></span></span><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6" title=""><!--[endif]--></a></span><o:p></o:p></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Im Laufe des letzten Jahrzehnts haben Syrien und die Türkei durch
mehrere bilaterale Abkommen, der Genehmigung von Visa-Erleichterungen und der
Verbesserung politischer, ökonomischer und sozialer Beziehungen die Seite
langjähriger Streite umgeblättert. Angesichts der Komplexität der Situation, in
der sich die Türkei im Zusammenhang mit der syrischen Krise befindet,
erscheinen zwei konkurrierende Argumente bezüglich der Haltung Ankaras: Während
einige behaupten, dass die türkische Politik sich aggressiv gegenüber dem
Assad-Regime unter der Ausnutzung eines humanitären Vorwandes für den Ausbau
einer größeren Hebelwirkung im expandierenden regionalen politischen Kalkül
verhalte, beschuldigen andere Ankara dem Mangel an Entschlossenheit wegen, die
eigentlich zur Beendigung der „Brutalität“ des Regimes gegen das eigene Volk,
der Türkei zumutbar wäre. Der Fall Syrien hat zumindest dafür gesorgt, dass die
türkische politische Elite sich ernsthafte
Gedanken über den Umgang mit dem Assad-Regime gemacht hat. Analysten,
Journalisten<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
und Think Tanks gaben zum Ausdruck, dass die Türkei nicht mehr Seite an Seite
mit autoritären Regimen in der Region zusammenarbeiten kann und forderten eine
ernsthafte Revision der „Zero-Problems“-These des jetzigen Außenministers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Die komplizierten und oft missverstandenen Dynamiken hinter der
Syrien-Krise wurden in einem Bericht der Internationalen Organisation für
strategische Forschung (USAK) angesprochen und bearbeitet. 6 Empfehlungen
wurden der Regierung dargelegt<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn8" name="_ftnref8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">1-<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span><!--[endif]-->Umfassende Kommunikationskanäle
mit der syrischen Opposition sollten entwickelt werden, unabhängig von ihrer
politischen, konfessionellen oder religiösen Zugehörigkeit<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">2-<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span><!--[endif]-->Die Türkei solle eine konstruktive
Rolle für die Einheit sehr unterschiedlicher Gremien des Syrischen
Nationalrates oder der Freien Syrischen Armee spielen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">3-<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span><!--[endif]-->Auf ein unilaterales Handeln in
jeder Art von militärischer Intervention verzichten, währenddessen aber ein
wachsames Auge auf die syrische Krise halten.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">4-<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span><!--[endif]-->Einer multilateralen und
multidimensionalen Strategie folgen, um die Krise zu lösen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">5-<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span><!--[endif]-->Jegliche resultierenden
Fragmentierungen oder territoriale Spaltungen spielten gegen türkische
nationale Interessen. Insofern sollte auf die Bildung einer großen Koalition
abgezielt werden, falls sich die internationale Gemeinschaft für eine
Intervention entscheidet. Unter keinen Umständen sollte Türkei die
Führungsrolle internationaler Truppen gegen Syrien spielen.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">6-<span style="font: 7pt "Times New Roman";">
</span><!--[endif]-->Im öffentlichen Diskurs sollte
die Türkei sehr vorsichtig und differenziert mit der Krise umgehen, da die
übermäßige Rhetorik dem Ansehen der Türkei in der Region schaden könnte.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Obwohl die Empfehlungen gültig sind sollte angemerkt werden, dass
die Einflusskraft der Türkei sehr beschränkt ist. Sie befindet sich in einer
sehr schwierigen Position. Während versucht wird, wirtschaftliche und
sicherheitspolitische Interessen aufrechtzuerhalten, wird Ankara schwierige
Entscheidungen treffen müssen. Während eine anhaltende Krise die Türkei dazu
drängen wird, ihre militärischen und ökonomischen Mittel zur syrischen Grenze
zu mobilisieren, wird eine Verschlechterungen der Beziehungen zu Iran
wahrscheinlich zu beträchtlichen wirtschaftlichen Verlusten und einer enormen
Belastung der Erdöl- und Erdgaszuflüsse in die Türkei mit sich bringen.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftn9" name="_ftnref9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Angesichts der Tatsache, dass die Region ein Knotenpunkt wichtiger globaler
Akteure wie Russland, Iran, der EU und den Vereinigten Staaten ist und wir uns
in einer bipolaren Struktur als Fragment des Kalten Krieges befinden, steht die
Türkei vor einer wichtigen Herausforderung, die weit über „Null-Probleme“
hinaus geht.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Turkey and the Arab Spring: Between Ethics and Self-Interest<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Hans Seidel Stiftung, Die neue türkische Außenpolitik, http://www.hss.de/politik-bildung/themen/themen-2012/die-neue-tuerkische-aussenpolitik.html</span></div>
</div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[3]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> Understanding
Turkey’s Foreign Policy Through <i>Strategic
Depth</i>, Joshua W. Walker, Transatlantic Academy<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[4]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Zehn Jahre AKP, Eine Retrospektive auf Außen-, Innen-, und Kommunalpoltitik,
Charlotte Jopien (Hg.), Ludwig Schulz<o:p></o:p></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn5">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[5]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
Turkey and the Arab Spring, Implications for Turkish Foreign Policy from a
transatlantic perspective, Foreword, GMF, Nathalie Tocci</span></div>
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif; font-size: 32px; font-weight: bold;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span class="MsoFootnoteReference">[6]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-weight: normal;"> Turkish Review, May-June 2012, </span></span><span style="color: black; font-weight: normal;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: small;">Syria is not just
Syria: The nexus of regional and global powers explained, Isa Afacan (Zirve
University)</span></span></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn7">
<div class="MsoFootnoteText">
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref7" name="_ftn7" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[7]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a>
sie z.B. Ömer Taşpınar, „Zero-Problems With This Syria?“, Today’s Zaman, 25.
April 2011<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref8" name="_ftn8" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[8]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% rgb(240, 240, 240); color: black;">USAK Raporları,
No.12-02: "Kapıdaki Kriz Suriye: Uluslararası Yaklaşımlar ve Türkiye için
Öneriler” Basın Tanıtım Toplantısı, Türkiye icin öneriler </span><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=4642499403191988373#_ftnref9" name="_ftn9" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">[9]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> s.
6 </span><o:p></o:p><br />
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<a href="http://islamische-zeitung.de/?id=16281">Dieser Artikel wurde am 20.11.2012 in der Islamischen Zeitung veröffentlicht. </a></div>
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<!--EndFragment-->Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-13920175670530621782012-06-18T17:45:00.000+02:002013-05-04T13:13:01.256+02:00Turkey amongst conservatism and growth<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;">Islamic Calvinism in Central Anatolia </span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjc4g9GA0Ek4x-EgvnzQfN6BrO_mehvHaoTai7PdOyYfJmKgoiT5NML2UKuKvPI-Fa7cjs_jZ0GW2Y1n423jYKFibF4oa8uE-Js_PTAY4lldl4z9LPt6C8I8iA_bGNTB_9tczRH8m0mkYM/s1600/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-18+um+22.01.10.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em;"><img border="0" height="287" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjc4g9GA0Ek4x-EgvnzQfN6BrO_mehvHaoTai7PdOyYfJmKgoiT5NML2UKuKvPI-Fa7cjs_jZ0GW2Y1n423jYKFibF4oa8uE-Js_PTAY4lldl4z9LPt6C8I8iA_bGNTB_9tczRH8m0mkYM/s400/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-18+um+22.01.10.png" width="400" /></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Yesterday I gave a short lecture at the university about the economic boom observed in two Central Anatolian cities, Kayseri and Hacilar, popular for their conservative and religious society. Trying to give a brief look over the political philosophy of the central Anatolian people, we came to the conclusion that a transformation of traditional values and virtues towards hard work, study, entrepreneurship and individual success resulted in an economic miracle: An industrial revolution turned a number of Anatolian trading centers into major manufacturing centers and players in the global economy. Among European politicians, who are sceptical of the turkish membership of the European Union, it is common to hear that Turkey has two `souls´, one of which is Western. The modern, westernized and cosmopolitan outlook of Istanbul on one side, and the coastal resorts with the vast turkish interior being impoverished and distinctly non-european in its values on the other side, are being contrasted. </span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Central Anatolia remains a religious and socially conservative society. Yet it has evolved a particular form of conservatism which is highly conducive to its new-</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span lang="EN-US">founded economic success. </span>Economic success and social development have created a social class in which tradition and modernity coexist comfortably.</span><br />
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<b><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Protestant Work Ethic // Enterprise culture</span></b></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><br /></span>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfQSBJGb3X1VpN6gQtm6C3UY9bqSNYSYflwViUKFNDk8rgsmKJS2J_d4fsPUNtCBoaMUckIoO_YRSTPLAiOqGAER4UI8eQIXpUJsHrnmZ8gFW-JgrqQdJJjommd8XbVWAk3_nWDgPh2XQ/s1600/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-18+um+17.43.36.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjfQSBJGb3X1VpN6gQtm6C3UY9bqSNYSYflwViUKFNDk8rgsmKJS2J_d4fsPUNtCBoaMUckIoO_YRSTPLAiOqGAER4UI8eQIXpUJsHrnmZ8gFW-JgrqQdJJjommd8XbVWAk3_nWDgPh2XQ/s200/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-18+um+17.43.36.png" width="146" /></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Based on Protestant Work ethics (PWE) of <i>Max Weber</i>, to which the boom was attributed to, I tried to analyze the similarities between the hardworking `Protestants´ and the strongly religious inhabitants of Kayseri.</span></div>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">According to Keat (1991) and Carr (2000), creating the enterprise culture has two dimensions.</span><br />
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitp8AxaoUyxzI64lkH82HZ_RoLRxVeZ5SBmn0_gdcfvW7_-yDYvkLZT_G3SdGm68jAovdWGHCDcjjfix_QPS7bixgsRQPhoyn7mBMq1fV5t-pqhlOYmmEyyoa2tbK44Wjw90FXke_OUJc/s1600/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-18+um+17.40.15.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitp8AxaoUyxzI64lkH82HZ_RoLRxVeZ5SBmn0_gdcfvW7_-yDYvkLZT_G3SdGm68jAovdWGHCDcjjfix_QPS7bixgsRQPhoyn7mBMq1fV5t-pqhlOYmmEyyoa2tbK44Wjw90FXke_OUJc/s200/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-18+um+17.40.15.png" width="145" /></a><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"></span><br />
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">First it requires institutional and structural changes, such as on regulations, privatization, encouraging private business sector etc. But these are not sufficient. Creating enterprise culture also requires moral foundations. This is about a long-term struggle to modify people`s way of thinking and transform their souls. In short: Religion, philosophy or culture may be argued to be a source of creating particular type of individuals in terms of economic activities and enterprise culture.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Said Nursi</i> (1876-1960), an Islamic scholar and founder of the largest and strongest text-based Islamic movement in Turkey, urged Muslims to study and employ modern Western science and technology. He reinterpreted the virtues of Islamic entrepreneurship, the fusion of business and culture. Therefore it is possible to ask the question, if he could be seen as the "Turkish Weber". </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">He also </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">maintained that
“since understanding Islam is dependent on time, space, and </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span lang="EN-US">circumstance,
competing paradigms must not be silenced.”</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 8pt;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">The movement’s
members in Turkey are estimated at between 10 and 15 million.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b>Social end ec</b></span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><b>onomic impact</b></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8MeOzRIilm5LRQiiUvGCFtSRhQSYyeoUuL_EXGNSeZY4xz4-xW6-4Ms_5qy9CmmKZXr-VxD_p3d8X5GpV2maxhIDbtMFSUs9meXzK3xq_25tuUY74czr4fzi_ZDF8c-lzvtB6dAFRlPg/s1600/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-16+um+02.58.07.png" imageanchor="1" style="clear: right; float: right; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 1em; text-align: justify;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg8MeOzRIilm5LRQiiUvGCFtSRhQSYyeoUuL_EXGNSeZY4xz4-xW6-4Ms_5qy9CmmKZXr-VxD_p3d8X5GpV2maxhIDbtMFSUs9meXzK3xq_25tuUY74czr4fzi_ZDF8c-lzvtB6dAFRlPg/s320/Bildschirmfoto+2012-06-16+um+02.58.07.png" width="193" /></a><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">This new life-ethic, based on self-help, entrepreneurship, a sense of local belonging and an openness towards innovation mobilized the businessmen to establish social enterprises. The <i>Hacilar Mutual Aid Association</i>, <i>TUSKON, MUSIAD, TUSIAD</i> or <i>ISHAD</i> are just a few of these, promoting education through providing scholarships, building health clinics, sports centers, local police stations, arranging business trips etc. Considering these activities as a social responsibility, entrepreneurs have also won the courage to open own for-profit companies. The cable company <i>HES</i>, the furniture seller Istikbal, comprising 22 companies and an export network spanning 70 countries or the <i>Orta Anadolu</i>, a denim producing giant, making new investments totalling US$20 million and producing one percent of the world`s denim output, are also just a few examples.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">In this respect, we can claim that religious businessmen in Turkey have started to work in a more rational way which requires full adaptation to free market and the capitalist system. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">There are a few barriers for more economic success: Labor shortage, too few educated women to work in companies and deficient economic cooperation with the Middle East and Central Asia. Bridging those will lead to more success.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">For those, who want to have the presentation, please contact me :) I could not upload it with Blogspot, damn technology :)</span></div>
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-54102799629640671652012-05-01T15:08:00.001+02:002012-10-12T16:56:38.782+02:00Die Reform des Islam? - ein Vergleich zwischen Orient und Okzident<div style="text-align: right;">
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #454545; line-height: 23px;">In unserer Universitätsbibliothek sah ich neulich ein interessantes Buch, dessen Autor die These vertritt, dass die europäischen Muslime einen grundlegenden Wandel bräuchten. </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 21px;">Interessant fand ich jedoch, dass dieses auch die heutigen Probleme der europäisch-muslimischen Minderheit aufgriff. Diese These war nichts Neues für mich, da man selbst in vielen Kreisen in der Politik immer wieder hört, dass der Islam eine Reform brauche. Das nicht zuletzt auch durch den Orientalismus begünstigte Überlegenheitsgefühl dieser Kreise und ihre Versuche eines Paradigmenvergleichs zwischen der islamischen und der europäischen Welt ist im wahrsten Sinne des Wortes populistischer Natur und das R</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; line-height: 21px;">esultat unaufgeklärter Köpfe. Zu unterscheiden ist hier jedoch, ob diese Reform politischer, gesellschaftlicher, moralischer oder wissenschaftlicher Natur sein soll. Mit der Überlegung, dass die Offenheit zum wissenschaftlichen Forschen die Grundlage für gesellschaftspolitischen Wandel bereitstellt, versucht dieser Artikel erst mal kurz zwei völlig unterschiedliche Geographien und ihre jeweilige Haltung gegenüber der Koexistenz zwischen Religion und Wissenschaft historisch, gesellschaftspolitisch und teilweise theologisch zu vergleichen.</span></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Das Christentum hat im Mittelalter Konfrontationen und dialektische Konflikte mit der Wissenschaft und dem freiheitlich rationalen Denken dulden müssen. Die Katholische Kirche reduzierte die Religion auf die Liebe und betrachtete die Natur fortan als einen Schleier, der den Menschen von Gott trennt, vertrat vielmehr das geistige Wesen des menschlichen Seins und schottete sich von der materiellen Welt ab.<sup style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#footnote_0_46217" id="identifier_0_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="ZIE-M">1</a></sup> Die Suche des Westens nach dem „Besseren“ bzw. das Streben nach der Perfektion brachte viele politische, kulturelle und religiöse Reformbewegungen wie den Pietismus, die Reformation, den Puritanismus, sowie geistige Emanzipationen in den Köpfen der Menschen wie den Protestantismus Webers, den „religious doubt“, die Aufklärung oder den kartesianischen Dualismus Descartes’ hervor. Dieser Prozess wurde durch den Machtverlust von Auferlegung, Dogma und Druck gegen Ende des Mittelalters vereinfacht.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Nach Peter Watson erlebte Europa neben eben jenen Entwicklungen – sei es dem Wandel der Religion, der Sprache, dem öffentlichen Raum oder der Stellung Europas als politische Macht – den wichtigsten Wandel überhaupt seit dem Advent des Christentums: das religiöse Zweifeln.<sup style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#footnote_1_46217" id="identifier_1_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="The German Genius – Europe´s third renaissance – the second scientific revolution – and the twentieth century“) ">2</a></sup></span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Das europäische Revolutionszeitalter war nicht zuletzt ein Aufstand gegen den psychischen und politischen Druck der katholischen Kirche (die Inquisition, den Despotismus der Könige und Feudalherren, die Verfolgung, bis hin zur Exekution von Wissenschaftlern).</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Während das europäische Abendland nach dem 5. Jh. allmählich in ein dunkles Zeitalter fiel, erlebte der Orient seine Blütezeit. Doch mit der Aufklärung und besonders durch das dualistisch-rationale Paradigma wurde dem Verstand auf Kosten der christlich-moralischen Tugenden, ethischen Werte und Spiritualität neue Räume freigegeben. Der revolutionäre Eifer an (auf Rationalität basierendem) wissenschaftlichem Fortschritt war zweifellos das extreme Gegenstück zum finsteren Mittelalter. Der Okzident hatte nun eine neue Religion, die des Humanismus, sagt Cemil Meric. Der moderne Mensch wurde zu einem „sturen, eigensinnigen, egoistischen Menschen, der einzig und allein darauf ist, seine materiellen und fleischlichen Gelüste zu befriedigen und seine persönlichen oder bestimmte nationale Interessen, die zufällig mit seinen eigenen übereinstimmen, durchzusetzen.“, so Ali Ünal<sup style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#footnote_2_46217" id="identifier_2_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="Ali Ünal, Zeitgenössische Themen im Spiegel des Islam, Fontäne Verlag, 2009">3</a></sup>. Der Erste und Zweite Weltkrieg, der Kolonialismus, das NS-Regime sowie die Atombombenabwürfe auf Hiroshima und Nagasaki sind nur einige der Erfahrungen, die dieser Prozess mit sich brachte.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Problematisch wird es jedoch dann, den Fall des europäischen Abendlandes, abgesehen von seinen kulturellen, religiösen und gesellschaftlichen Hintergründen auf die islamische Welt zu übertragen und von ihr dieselben strukturellen Gesellschaftsentwicklungen zu erwarten, um ihr auf einer Augenhöhe zu begegnen. Denn der Islam hat in der Zeit des europäischen Mittelalters die Menschen erst recht zum Forschen angeregt. Doch wie war diese religiös-wissenschaftliche Koexistenz möglich?</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Wichtig hierbei ist, das Verhältnis zwischen dem Universum, dem Menschen und dem Koran aus islamischer Perspektive zu betrachten. Gott habe mit dem Menschen ein Lebewesen erschaffen, der dazu in der Lage ist, seine Attribute („al-Esma al-Husna, die 99 Namen und Attribute Allahs im Koran) zu widerspiegeln. Zu jenen gehören „der Allwissende“, „der Sprechende“ oder „der Wollende“. Gott manifestiere seine Eigenschaften auf diesen drei Bereichen. Insofern seien das Universum, der Mensch bzw. das gesellschaftliche Leben und der Koran, das Wort Gottes, Ausdrücke ein und derselben Wahrheit. Daher beständen prinzipiell kein Widerspruch und keine Unvereinbarkeit zwischen den Wahrheiten des Korans (der Gottes Attribut „Sprache“ entstammt) und den Wahrheiten, die dem objektiven Studium seines Gegenstücks, des erschaffenen Universums, entspringen (das aus seinen Attributen „Kraft“ und „Wille“ hervorgeht). Das „Buch der Offenbarung“ (der Koran) und das „Buch der Schöpfung“ (die Natur) sollten zeitgleich gelesen werden. Eben aus diesem Grund waren viele muslimische Philosophen und Wissenschaftler des späten Mittelalters wie Al-Khawarizmis (Algorithmus der Mathematik), Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ibn al-Haytham, Al-Biruni, Al-Ghazali zugleich auch Mystiker, Sufiker oder Theologen.<sup style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#footnote_3_46217" id="identifier_3_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="Die Fontäne">4</a></sup> Das Zusammenwirken des Verstandes, der Vernunft und des Herzens und ihre Integrität ist hier essentiell. Der Mensch soll diese Attribute Gottes erkennen, seine eigenen Antriebskräfte wie Verlangen, Zorn und Verstand disziplinieren und durch Selbstkritik, Bittgebete, den Rezitationen der Namen Gottes, Beharrlichkeit, Geduld, Dankbarkeit seinem Schöpfer dienen. Gemäß den sozioökonomischen Grundsätzen des Islam soll der Mensch Konfrontation, Korruption, Anarchie und Terror vermeiden und somit in dieser und in der kommenden Welt sein Glück finden. Hier finden sich zweifelsohne auch die Grundlagen für demokratische und menschenrechtliche Werte wieder. Ich möchte nicht noch tiefer in die theologische Erörterung der Stellung der Wissenschaft im Islam eingehen; dies würde den Rahmen des Artikels sprengen.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Dem Leser wird auffallen, dass die Idee, Religion und Wissenschaft gälten als zwei im Widerspruch zueinanderstehende Disziplinen, der Haltung des Abendlandes zu Religion und Wissenschaft zu verdanken ist.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Vielleicht mal hierzu ein konkretes Alltagsbeispiel: In Istanbul fand Ende letzten Jahren ein koranwissenschaftliches Symposium statt. Es trug den Titel „Der Koran und wissenschaftliche Tatsachen“.<sup style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#footnote_4_46217" id="identifier_4_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="Uluslararasi Kuran ve Bilimsel Hakikatler Sempozyumu. Istanbul, 14-15.05. 2011">5</a></sup>Das 20. Jahrhundert ist reich an Koranwissenschaftlern, die den Koran mit der Wissenschaft zu vereinen versuchten und somit aktiv für eine Reform im wissenschaftlichen Sinne appellierten; darunter könnte man prominente autoritäre Namen wie Muhammad Abduh, Muhammad Asad oder Said Nursi zählen. Doch interessant ist nun, dass die islamische Welt sich nun auf einer völlig anderen Stufe befindet: Der Koran wird als wissenschaftliche Inspiration für neue Projekte, Experimente und naturwissenschaftliche Arbeit empfunden. „Die Erforschung des naturwissenschaftlichen Wunders des Korans trachtet danach, ausgehend von der göttlichen Botschaft neue wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse aktiv zu entwickeln”<sup style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#footnote_5_46217" id="identifier_5_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" title="Die Fontäne">6</a></sup>, schreibt Maximilian Friedler. Das sind zwar mutige und gewagte Versuche, aber es zeigt zweifellos ein starkes Selbstbewusstsein religiös motivierter wissenschaftlicher Kreise in der Türkei, aber auch eine gewisse Motivation.</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;">Was hat dies alles – übertragen auf den Islam in Deutschland – zu bedeuten? Muslime brauchen weder eine Reform noch eine seelische Aufklärung. Muslime brauchen eine neue innermuslimische Debattenkultur. Sie stehen mitten in Europa vor einer großen Herausforderung. Die Entscheidung vor dem Schmelzen oder einer zur Gesellschaft beitragenden Inklusion, die das Wahren der eigenen Identität nicht ausschließt. Themen wie Schwimmunterricht, Liebe, Scheidungsrecht, Partnerwahl, Polygamie, Erbrecht, gesellschaftliche Teilhabe, Leitungsanspruch, Diskriminierung und Gewalt in der Familie, so genannte „Ehrenmorde“ und viele andere Frauen- und Familienfragen sollten offensiv in Vorträgen, Seminaren und Konferenzen aufgegriffen werden und somit eine einheitliche Konsensbildung angestrebt werden. Diese gegenseitige Beratung sollte von – ich betone – muslimischen Theologen, Philosophen und Religionspädagogen geführt werden, um “Islamkritikern” den Wind aus den Segeln zu nehmen und Verschwörungstheorien in Themenbereichen wie “Ehrenmorde” oder “Geschlechterungleichberechtigung” vorzubeugen. Die nichtmuslimische herabschauende, reformerwartende Diskussionsszene in Deutschland hat sich bereits als nicht nützlich erwiesen.</span></div>
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<b style="font-family: Georgia, 'Times New Roman', serif;"><i>Dieser Artikel wurde am <a href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/">30.April 2012 im Online-Magazin MiGAZIN </a> und auf <a href="https://www.freitag.de/autoren/fatih-cicek/die-reform-des-islam-ein">freitag.de</a> veröffentlicht.</i></b></div>
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<li class="footnote" id="footnote_0_46217" style="list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 48px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: -5px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a href="http://www.zie-m.de/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=429%3Aislam-und-reform&catid=103%3Amiddle-east&lang=de" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">ZIE-M</a> [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#identifier_0_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;">↩</a>]</li>
<li class="footnote" id="footnote_1_46217" style="list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 48px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: -5px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;">The German Genius – Europe´s third renaissance – the second scientific revolution – and the twentieth century“) [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#identifier_1_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;">↩</a>]</li>
<li class="footnote" id="footnote_2_46217" style="list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 48px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: -5px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;">Ali Ünal, Zeitgenössische Themen im Spiegel des Islam, Fontäne Verlag, 2009 [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#identifier_2_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;">↩</a>]</li>
<li class="footnote" id="footnote_3_46217" style="list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 48px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: -5px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a href="http://fontaene.de/Issue/detail/wisse-und-wissenschaft-april-juni-2012" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Die Fontäne</a> [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#identifier_3_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;">↩</a>]</li>
<li class="footnote" id="footnote_4_46217" style="list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 48px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: -5px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;">Uluslararasi Kuran ve Bilimsel Hakikatler Sempozyumu. Istanbul, 14-15.05. 2011 [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#identifier_4_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;">↩</a>]</li>
<li class="footnote" id="footnote_5_46217" style="list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 48px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: -5px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><a href="http://fontaene.de/Issue/detail/religion-und-wissenschaft-april-juni-2012" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Die Fontäne</a> [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://www.migazin.de/2012/04/30/ein-vergleich-zwischen-orient-und-okzident/#identifier_5_46217" style="color: #c10000; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none;">↩</a>]</li>
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Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-62676246289798580342011-12-08T23:07:00.001+01:002011-12-08T23:34:57.645+01:00Diversität in Unternehmen, in der Verwaltung, in den Medien<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<b>Die deutschsprachige Version meines zuvor auf Englisch verfassten Artikels finden Sie <a href="http://www.migazin.de/2011/12/08/diversitat-in-unternehmen-in-der-verwaltung-in-den-medien/">hier.</a></b></div>
<br />Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4642499403191988373.post-47540733843432622092011-12-03T22:32:00.001+01:002011-12-05T23:08:38.029+01:00Toronto as a model for diversity<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">I just attended the Diversity-congress in Cologne which was organized by the Maytree Foundation, Bertelsmann and the Ministry of Labour, Social Affairs and Integration (MAIS) of North-Rhine Westfalia. Experts from Canada and different areas presented their immigrant integration practices and projects. I just wanted to make these great projects more public, since I have the opportunity to transfer them to the European societies.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><b>Background</b></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Countries all over the world are struggling with immigration. Canada is certainly one of the countries with the biggest minority population in the world. Actually, the people with immigration background - as the germans say - do not really constitute a minority any more. Toronto has for instance an immigrants ratio of almost 50 per cent. Alan Broadbent, founder and Chairman of the Maytree Foundation said, that Canada wants to see immigrants as assets, not as liabilities, in which they want to invest. The hyper-diversity can not be ignored, he said. </span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Finding a job, finding the right job, is probably the single most critical indicator of successful settlement in integration for an immigrant. Most of them are skilled, have a university degree. Elizabeth McIsaac presented the <a href="http://www.triec.ca/"><i>TRIEC</i></a>, an organization, which tries to promote skilled immigrants, to connect skilled immigrants to the right jobs and to hire their qualifications, through mentoring, workshops and finding professional connections and networks for them. 95 per cent of the volunteer mentors said - after the relationship with their mentees - they would offer their immigrant colleagues a job. However, to the question, if they have also projects to promote non-skilled immigrants, McIsaac could not give an answer. "We are not perfect, but we will improve our work in the future" she said.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><b>Education and Media</b></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">The <a href="http://www.tdsb.on.ca/"><i>Toronto District School Board</i></a> is the largest school board in Canada, is recognized as one of the most diverse in the world and serves almost 259,000 students. 68 per cent of them are born outside Canada. Its aim is to sustain high levels of excellence for "all" students. </span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">What I found quite interesting were the Community and Faith Walks for the teachers. The goal of that was to "support educators in being responsive and relevant in their teaching practices by bridging any gaps between the home, school and community", said <i>Donna Quan</i>. The participants of this program visited places of worship such as mosques, temples, churches and synagogues. It seems that the leaders of TDSB have understood the necessity of the interfaith and intercultural dialogue. These walks effected a lot. The students appreciated their teachers for trying to understand their students faiths and cultures. "They increased trust and faith in our schools. They feel that we care enough to go into their space, instead of them always coming to us, us going to them, is just as important." Hardly surprising! If you ask me, these students represent the global future.</span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><i>Matt Galloway</i>, a Broadcaster of the Canadian radio channel CBC, struggled for creating diversity within the media, to integrate the immigrant communities. He tried to change the non-diverse audience into a diverse audience, which did not clash with the reality, that there was a 50 percent visible minority in Toronto. For instance, the CBC broadcasted an interview with a kidnapped girl`s mom in their original language. Of course, you did not have to understand what she said, to get the emotions that were in that voice. This experiment changed the way the city felt. Since I asked him for an interview, you will read more about him, his projects and the lectures we should draw from them.</span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><b>Lectures for us</b></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;">Actually hearing of some of these great ideas draws everyone to think of our policies in Europe, especially in Germany. Giving the immigrants a feeling of being welcomed in our nation should be our main goal. The world is becoming more and more global like a small village. The future lies in the diversity - diversity within the media, the schools, the economic life or in politics. There are already medial projects like the CBC, such as the <a href="http://www.integrationsblogger.de/">DIB-Platform</a>, <a href="http://www.ebru.tv/">Ebru TV</a>, <a href="http://www.migazin.de/">MiGAZIN</a> or others in Germany. But we need to expand them!</span></div>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>Fatih Cicekhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/13986030486861427192noreply@blogger.com1